Bidriware: An examination of the Indian metalware’s origins

Abstract

This research article compares the metalworking technique of Bidriware in the Indian subcontinent from the 17th to 19th century with that of the Mosul School of Mesopotamia in Iraq during the 13th century. Although the literature contains vague accounts of how Bidriware emerged in India, there is a significant lack of research highlighting its similarity to and potential origin from the Mosul School of metalwork art. Texts on Bidriware and the Mosul School are used alongside images of diverse works of art from reputable world museums in an attempt to make this initial connection. The paper highlights how political exchange from the 12th and 13th centuries onwards between Mesopotamia and the Indian subcontinent led to the passage of many motifs, rituals and cultural elements that can clearly be seen in the production of Bidriware centuries later.

Keywords:

• inlay metalworking
• Bidriware
• Mosul school of metalwork
• political patronage

1. Introduction

There is currently a significant lack of literature providing a detailed account of the origin of Bidriware (Stronge, 1985). Bidriware is an inlay metalwork product whereby metal sheet and wire are inlaid on cast metal, as seen in Figure 1. By examining a variety of Mughal, Persian (Mokashi, 2021), Syrian, Egyptian, and Saracenic or Mosul (Dimand, 1930) inlaid metalwork from the 11th to 15th centuries, one can gain a better understanding regarding the origin of Bidriware. The patronage of rulers served as its main corridor to India. The region had previously been practising another metalworking technique called Koftagiri, influenced by that found in Damascus (Feuerbach‎, 2014). The Damascus technique can itself be traced back to Mosul, a city located in modern day Iraq and a popular inlay metal working junction during the Zengid dynasty from 1127–1250 (Dimand, 1930).

Figure 1. A Bidriware Hookah Base, 26.67 x D: 11.43 cm, Bidar, Courtesy Los Angeles County Museum of Art.

This paper highlights similarities in the visual form and technique of metal inlaying between the royal courts in both Bidar and Mosul. Although the popularity of traditional Bidriware persisted for several centuries in India, that of the Mosul School remained limited to little over one hundred years, predominantly during the reign of the then Atabeg of Mosul “Badr al-Din Lu’lu”’ (who ruled from 1233–1259) during the 13^th century. As well as identifying common forms between the Bidri and Mosul schools, this paper also demonstrates how the desire for prestige and valor from respective political rulers allowed these techniques to become popular.

An effort is also made to highlight how these art forms travelled across the Middle East to become a permanent inclusion in the visual culture of Bidriware. The arrival of Islamic artists in India was followed by a host of cultural icons gradually seeping into the region. The motif of a poppy plant for example, indicating patronage to rulers during the Mughal Empire from 1526– 1858 (Stronge, 1985), is seen in many artefacts. Bidriware is often depicted with fish, leading some to view it as an imitation of Iranian literature, an influence which likely traveled to India with its Mughal rulers (Stronge, 1985).

This paper begins with a holistic explanation of Bidriware followed by that of the Mosul school. Attention is then turned to the way in which techniques were transferred from the Middle East to India as a result of artists’ quest for new patrons. Hence, this research points to the possibility that inlay metalworking techniques may have been spread to many regions during periods of political instability. It logically follows that other production centres may have existed but ultimately failed to attract sufficient market value to be well documented. Before going into more detail regarding such a possibility, however, the analysis will begin with a closer examination of the Bidriware metalworking technique.

2. Bidriware

Bidriware is an inlay metalworking technique originally associated with Bidar, a Deccan Plateau city in southern India. The base of a copper-zinc alloy cast is engraved and inlaid with silver or brass. The product is then immersed in a heated solution of Bidar Fort soil, giving the silvery sheen design a dark background, as seen in Figure 2. Stronge (1985) notes The inlay may be of wire or sheet metal, and some of the finest pieces have a design cut out of sheet silver so that it appears silhouetted against the body of the object. This is usually known as aftabi.

Figure 2. A Bidriware Hookah Base circa 1750–1800, 16.5 x 15.88 cm, Courtesy Los Angeles County Museum of Art.

During the early 15^th century, Bidri artefacts were initially reserved specifically for temples in Bijapur, Karnataka, a city in southern India. Production was later amplified by the provision of security under the royal patronage of ‘Ala’audin Ahmad Bahamani II, leader of Bidar in Andhra Pradesh from 1436–1458 (Patel, 2015). It is thought that Sultan Ahmed Shah Bahmani (ruled 1422–1436) hired a famous craftsman from Iran, Abdullah Bin Kaiser, to decorate the royal palaces and courts in Bidar. During the rule of Sultan Ahmed Shah Bahmani, Bidar subsequently appears to have grown into a thriving centre for metalware artisans and what would later be known as Bidriware (Mokashi, 2021).

Bidar was initially the only production center in India but the trade later soared in Purnia and Patna of the North Indian Bihar region, Murshidabad of the East Indian West Bengal region, and Lucknow of the North Indian Uttar Pradesh region (Stronge, 1985). With growing international acclaim after the London exposition in 1851 (Shears & Shears, 2017), new locations, such as Bombay, Poona, and many others, soon became thriving new production centres (Stronge, 1985). Although these new locations often did not remain popular over the long-term and had faded from existence by the early 20^th century, a few artisan families maintained small-scale production.

In terms of Bidriware artisans, Bapat and Kumar (2017) note that about a century ago, Ramanna Master, Sri Ramana Maslei, was the most knowledgeable craftsman and is remembered even today. During recent years, Rashid Quadri, Laxmi Bai, MA Rauf and Rajkumar Nageshwar received National awards, whereas Shriyuts Basappa, Sheikh Ahmed Saheb, Gulam Quddus and Manikappa received State awards for their excellent work in Bidriware. Rashid Quadri has also received the Shilp Guru Award.

Bidriware has been practiced largely by Islamic artists. Since the Bahmanis, Mughals, and Nizams were Islamic rulers, reigning for more than five centuries, the technique remained in the hands of Islamic artisans (Waghmare, 2018). With the passage of time however, Hindu artists also began to practice the technique. It is thought that artisans from the Lingayat Hindi sect, founded in 1131 (Waghmare, 2013), were involved in Bidriware production processes. Despite the presence of a patriarchal society, women also appear to have worked as engravers (Bapat & Kumar, 2017).

Records state that in Bidar and Hyderabad, more than 450 artists practiced Bidriware and, depending on their level of skill, children (Waghmare, 2018) also assisted in production. Reportedly, many artists suffered from severe eyesight problems due to the squinting required during intricate engraving work.

Although a severe downturn in production was experienced when practitioners began to switch to other lucrative professions, government and non-governmental schemes continued to support local artists. Bidar is now a GI indicator of Bidriware, meaning it boasts an authority over the authenticity of the metalware (Bapat & Kumar, 2017).

The material for Bidriware was traditionally sourced from the region itself (Waghmare, 2013). While the inlaying of metal sheet and wire on cast metal may be an ancient practice, the visual appearance of Bidriware is exceptional because of the indigenous materials utilized by Bidri artisans. Bidriware uses a range of materials, including copper zinc alloy, silver or brass sheet, Bidar Fort soil, sand, chalk powder, copper sulphate, kerosene, tar pitch, and coconut oil. The most important of these would arguably be Bidar Fort soil, a material native to the Bidar Fort region used in a chemical solution during the final stage of the process to produce a blackening affect.

Additionally, a variety of graded tools are used in the production process. These tools depend on the intricacy of the design and play an important role in the process, from the casters to the artisans applying the finishing steps. They include furnaces, crucibles, metal crates, wooden planks, tongs, sieves, spatulas, blow torches, engraving tools, hammers or mallets, soldering rods and borax, and buffing machines (Waghmare, 2018).

There are also a variety of techniques involved in the Bidriware production process, including building a hollow mold, filling the mold with black sand, heating the metal until molten, engraving and inlaying the silver wire, trimming and filing the cast object, adding Bidar Fort soil with a chemical agent, and re-heating it to produce the blackening affect (Waghmare, 2013). It is essential to use the right materials, tools, and techniques to produce a high quality Bidriware final product.

In summary, Bidriware is a popular metalware technique requiring great skill and precision. Yet while we may have examined the Bidri metalworking process, noticeably absent so far has been an analysis of where the practice came from. Did the technique evolve indigenously in Indian subcontinent, or was it imported from elsewhere? There currently exists very little evidence to support the former of these two possibilities, suggesting that it may be worth exploring the second. In this vein, let us now take a closer look at the Mosul metalworking site of Mesopotamia situated in modern-day Iraq.

3. The Mosul school of metalwork

Rice (1957) asserted that it was not until the time of Zengid (Zangid) dynasty (1122–1223) and their successor Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ (ruled 1233–1259) that Mosul rose from the status of a provincial town to the capital of a wealthy and well-regulated kingdom. It was endowed with magnificent palaces and public buildings, rapidly becoming a prosperous centre of commerce, industry and the arts.

The provenance of artifacts belonging to the Mosul School of Art, often called al-Mawsili artworks, has been extensively debated by numerous scholars. Raby (2012) notes how over the course of the thirteenth and the first decades of the fourteenth centuries, there were 35 metal objects signed by some 27 craftsmen styling themselves al-Mawsili. We also had no less than eight metal objects with inscriptions stating that they were made in Mosul, for the ruler of Mosul, or for members of the ruler’s entourage.

During the 13^th century, Mosul artists manufactured products inlaid in silver, brass, and at times gold. The gold inlay products however were mostly prohibited due to Islamic protocol. Bilotto‎ (2013) for example reminds us of how Islam’s Prophet Mohammad banned the use of precious metals for Muslims. Such objects were nevertheless common throughout the periods of Islamic rule in Egypt and surrounding territories.

Although production grew rapidly from the early 13^th until the 15^th century (Bell, 1918), the Mongolian invasion in 1255 led to new vocabulary of forms whose origin laid in Chinese art and culture (Stronge, 1985). Autocratic rule however caused many artists to shift production to nearby centers such as Damascus and Cairo (Bell, 1918). Cairo was under the rule of the Mamluk dynasty (1250– 1517) at the time, serving as a valuable source of patronage for the commission of lucrative metalworks (Bell, 1918).

Inscriptions bearing the names of artists and recipients of patronage have affirmed Mosul’s role as a successful production centre. Like that of Bidar, Mosul metalware was carried down for centuries through successive family generations. Research has uncovered many artifacts bearing a nisbah, or an inscribed signature, of al-Mawsili, or Mosul craftsmen hierarchy (Rice, 1957). The hierarchy also encompassed artists and assistants devoid of a similar nisbah (Al-Harithy, 2001). Rice (1957) provides a detailed account of five of these such works belonging to the workshop of Aḥmad al-Dhakī al-Mawṣilī, the last two of which were made by his Ghulam, or assistant, Abu Bakr Umar Ibn Hajji Jaldak.

The Mosul School works are primarily comprised of candlesticks, (as seen in Figure 3) boxes with covers, ewers, and trays, among others. Importantly, they tend to carry inscriptions with a verse extending goodwill, a patron name, and the signature of the artist or nisbah of al-Mawsili. Additionally, the designs represent courtly affairs via human figurines, musicians, dancers, floral and tree motifs, animals, and abstract decorative patterns. Generally, the shoulder of the object possesses a representation of a zodiac sign which appears to be of Persian influence (Al-Harithy, 2001).

Figure 3. A brass Mosul School candlestick circa 1250, inlaid in silver and decorated with animal friezes and medallions, 25 x 27 cm, Courtesy the Trustees of the British Museum.

Discussing the popularity of Mosul metalware, Dimand (1930) maintains that in Arghana Maaden and Maaden Khapur, there were rich copper mines supplying Mesopotamia and Syria with the necessary ore to manufacture brass and bronze objects. Mosul was the most important place for the manufacture of silver inlaid metalwork during the thirteenth century. At this time, the city was in the hands of the Atabegs of the Zengid dynasty. They were especially fond of metalwork, protecting and encouraging the development of arts and craftmanship. Syrian cities, such as Damascus and Aleppo, also manufactured metalwork during this period (Dimand, 1930).

The Mosul technique’s production process was similar to the step-by-step guide presented above for Bidriware. Bell (1918) explains how the most striking feature of the Mosul designs included the figures of animals and men. The generous use of silver was also a prominent feature. Gold was rarely used, although red copper was used on occasion. The Brass or copper base was frequently coated with the more precious metal, while the intervening spaces were often filled with a black bituminous paste.

Before Mosul gained significant momentum as a production center, the Persian centers of Herat and Khorasan produced copper inlay metalware of a similar quality (Dimand, 1930). Chronologically, the art form traveled westward from these regions. On the topic of Bidriware, Stronge (1985) argues that the technique was introduced to the Bahmani kingdom from Iran (in one version, via Iraq, Ajmer, and Bijapur). Ala’uddin Ahmed Shah Bahmani II (ruled 1436–1458), the story goes, took craftsmen from Bijapur, where they were producing work of this sort, and established them at Bidar.

Given the suggestion of Iraqi influence, it is tempting to study artifacts of the Mosul School to determine whether or not broad similarities exist between them and those of Bidriware, possibly indicating that Bidriware’s origins lie in the Mosul School. Before going into more detail on the specific mechanisms at play in the transfer between Mosul and Bidar however, let us first look at an example of how a particular motif can become incorporated into another art form in a different time and space. The following section will briefly outline the case of the Buddhist Lotus and the Tang Mirrors of the Chinese and Iranian regions.

4. The Buddhist Lotus’ passage

The Buddhist Lotus is a universal icon that can be seen across many different regions of the world today. Before the emergence of the Mosul school during the 13^th century, Sogdian and Tang metalware from Persia and China respectively were traded for silk and ceramics on an immense scale. Discussing the incorporation of the Lotus into Iranian metalwork from Khorasan and Herat, situated in modern day Afghanistan, Kadoi (2009) observes that Tang period lobed silver vessels owe their origin to the lobed framing of Tang mirrors. The art form apparently travelled from the east to Iran where it was adopted during the 12^th century.

It seems however that the Lotus had made its way to the region even before the Mongol invasion (1219–1221). This appears to have been facilitated through the spread of Buddhism along the Silk Road trade routes. Kadoi (2009) explains how lotus seeds were imported from India as Buddhism travelled eastwards. By the time of the Six Dynasties (222–589), the plant had apparently taken root in China. It was during the Tang dynasty (618–907), when lotuses were still relatively novel for the Chinese, that lotus scrolls were by decree designated as decorative devices for Buddhist statues and monuments. They also later became motifs for decorative objects, especially metalware.

It is therefore clear that the passage artistic techniques and cultural motifs from region to region over longer periods of time is not unprecedented in the context of world history. This thus raises the possibility of such a transfer having taken place between Mosul and Bidar. If this type of re-location did indeed occur, we would expect to see many similarities in the artifacts of Bidri metalware and the Mosul School. To conduct an initial test into the plausibility of such a theory then, let us now examine the broad similarities between selected pieces of metalware from Bidriware and the Mosul School.

5. Comparative analysis

Bidriware specimens from various museum collections, including the Metropolitan Museum of Art, British Museum, Asian Art Museum, and Victoria & Albert Museum, are examined in the following section. This will give us a deeper understanding of their form, motif, and influence in relation to their Mosul School counterparts. Although major differences between them may exist, the presence of certain motifs in Bidriware clearly point to a descendance from Mosul.

Thus, while the link may be hypothetical, it allows us to lay the foundation for further discussion and study. The following description addresses a dual aim: firstly, to present an account of the artworks, and secondly, to conduct a comparative analysis between the two regions separated by time and space. Not all of the artifacts belonging to these respective metalware collections have been compared, but rather a few whose immediate attributes indicate a relationship between them.

Please note that the following descriptive comparisons are based on photographs only, not an in-person viewing of the objects.

5.1. The bidri box

The first comparison includes the Bidri Pan Box and Cylindrical box of Mosul. The Pan Box, as pictured in Figure 4, projects a balanced distribution of silver and brass inlays. Harmonious and undamaged by the wrath of time, the hexagonal box depicts repetitive floral and foliate patterns on all sides. Each part shows a floral motif in the center, flanked by vile that merges at top and bottom through thin lines, providing a subtle sense of cartouches encompassing the flower. The semi-part of this arrangement is used on the lid, resembling the compressed domes of Mughal architecture.

Figure 4. A Bidri Box circa early-mid 17th century attributed to Bidar, inlaid with silver and brass, 9.925 x 13.6 cm, Courtesy the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Interestingly, the thick outline on the rim and base of the box provides a crisp demeanor. The floral motifs are inlaid with silver sheet exceptionally well, while brass wire, as well as sheet, is used to inlay leaves and other decorative forms. The box was used to store pan, a wrapped packet of betel leaf comprising spices. A similar box is found in the Victoria & Albert Collection, presenting sun motifs around the body and lid (Stronge, 1985). Moreover, the arabesque found on the Bidri Box is a recurring element in Muraqqa, or the folio of Mughal miniature paintings.

The Mosul School’s Cylindrical Box, as seen in Figure 5, appears to constitute an early prototype of this. The inlay design however shows advanced features of the human figure, as well as a latch allowing the box to be secured. Notably, the culture of producing metal decorative boxes draws on the idea of royal storage. We can deduce through the inscription that it was a gift from the Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ to Atabek al-Malik al-Rahim. Similarly, the Pan Box also embodies the use of metalware as gifts with a functional use, including the storage of documents.

Figure 5. A Cylindrical Box circa 1233–1259 attributed to Mosul, cast (main body) and sheet brass (lid) with inlaid silver and black bituminous paste, 11 cm x H: 10 cm, Courtesy the Trustees of the British Museum.

The bituminous paste used by the Mosul School to achieve the desired visual effect is also particularly common in Bidriware. Bidriware for example has an expansive black coverage in the background, while Mosul artists developed a shadowing effect through inlaying.

5.2. The hookah base

The second comparison includes the Bidri Hookah base, one of the most popular types of Bidriware in India, and the Blacas Ewer, another popular Mosul metalware piece. The brilliantly designed hookah, as shown in Figure 6, posits a complex rendering of a variety of forms on the main frieze. It is one of the rare species of Bidriware depicting animals and architectural forms. In terms of the design, the body of the compressed spherical shape is halved, representing the same scene on both sides. The hookah, from the mouth to the base, is replete with naturalistic forms, crisp and definite.

Figure 6. A Bidriware hookah base circa 1650–1700, zinc alloy inlaid in silver and brass, H: 19.4 cm x D: 17.1 cm, Courtesy Asian Art Museum.

It is interesting to note the posture of two animals with their heads turned back. The tiger and goat, which may symbolize power and timidity, address symbolic gestures. The brass inlaid flask in the center is surrounded by many similar, smaller-sized objects. Two birds flank the central arch. An overview of natural repository forms presupposes an open space of wildness as well as domestic life. The shoulder and base repeat the bands with floral and abstract motifs. The molded neck has a chevron pattern, while the edge of the protruded molding above depicts circular dots. The Dianthus flower form is inlaid with silver on the neck.

The Shia and Sunni Islamic sects differed in their beliefs when it came to the representation of animals and humans in art. Sunnis imposed a stringent law against the depiction of all life forms, while Shiites were more accepting of such representations. The abundance of animals and plants in the Mosul composition likely motivated a generation of Shiite artists.

The Mosul School’s Blacas Ewer, as illustrated in Figure 7, is replete with narratives reveling in a dense composition with animals and human figurines. Belonging to a Pre-Mongolian period, it is one of the foremost and most established specimens of the Mosul School of inlay metalware. Interestingly, the majority of Bidriware is replete with plants and vegetal forms, except for a few originating from the Indian city of Lucknow, since the Sultanates here followed the Sunni sect of Islam.

Figure 7. A Blacas Ewer circa 1232 from Mosul, Courtesy the Trustees of the British Museum.

There also appears to be a relation between the two regarding the dynamic position of animals depicting hunting scenes. It seems likely that such styles may have been passed down from generation to generation within families practicing Bidriware and the Mosul School artworks. There are nevertheless a few differences concerning skill and talent. The use of animals in Bidriware also illustrates the presence of liberty and acceptance, despite the presence of Islamic protocol. The excessive use of fish forms in Lucknow Bidriware for example supports this.

5.3. Trays and plates

The third case includes trays and plates from both periods. Generally, Bidriware plates are simple and rich in Arabesque. Presented here are both brass and silver inlay plates with beautiful floral motifs from the center to the helm. Trays and plates are utility objects serving multiple social purposes.

During the 18^th century, we observe a palpable stylistic change in the form and designs compared to the 17th-century wares, as shown in Figure 8. Although a basic format may continue to reflect, the stylization, seeking changing commercial demands, appears to have veered towards streamlined compositions. Yet the stark similarity in the common decorative patterns practiced by Bidri as well as Mosul artists is nevertheless clear to see.

Figure 8. A zinc alloy Bidri plate circa 1700 inlaid in silver and brass, D: 7 1/2 in, D: 19.1 cm, Courtesy Asian Art Museum.

The Mamluk tray originating from Cairo or Syria, as exemplified in Figure 9, does not correspond with the prime Mosul School period, but instead entails a legacy of school-practice following the migration of Mosul artists. While the Bidri plate is extremely decorative, the Mosul piece shows inscriptions with three equidistant roundels. The generic division of bands is a common feature however for both inlay metal products. The synchronic decor sustains the passing of time. Notice the repetitive elongated petals, which instead of being placed in the center, as in the case of the Bidriware plate, have been placed into repetitive roundels around the boundary of the Mamluk plate.

Figure 9. A Mamluk style tray typical of the Mosul School circa 1330–1360, D: 78.7cm, Courtesy Victoria & Albert Museum.

As can be seen from the examples above, there appear to be many similarities between the metalware of the Bidar and the Mosul School. It is argued here that this is no historical coincidence. Instead, the techniques, styles and forms of the Mosul School likely traveled east, where their influence had a profound impact upon the development of Bidriware many centuries later. To credibly argue such a claim however, we would need to be able to explain the mechanism through which this transfer took place. How did the Mosul School metalware technique travel eastwards to India?

6. Discussion

The transfer mechanism through which the Mosul School metalworking technique likely traveled to the Indian city of Bidar can be broken down into three distinct stages: 1) the ritual of gift-giving and patronage stimulated demand for the practice and made it worthwhile for artists to learn, 2) deteriorating domestic political conditions led to a lower quality of life for civilians and subsequently encouraged many artists to migrate, 3) the teaching of specialized knowledge from parent to child allowed the technique to be perpetuated over the course of many generations.

The question then becomes how well does this narrative fit the cases of Mosul and Bidar during the 13^th and 17^th to 19^th centuries, respectively? As we shall see, both regions appear to have possessed lucrative markets for the ritual of gift-giving, projected parallel problems in terms of governance, and witnessed the perpetuation of the art form via artisan families who passed down specialized knowledge from generation to generation. Let us now take a closer look at the Mosul experience through a descriptive example of Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ during the Zengid dynasty in the first half of the 13^th century.

6.1. Mosul’s experience

The earliest known inlay metalware artifacts were recorded in the Iranian regions of Khorasan and Herat. They were few in number however and arguably do not constitute a school in their own right. Moving westward with the Mongol invasions in the 1220s (Dimand, 1926), Iranian artists migrated to the Mesopotamian regions of Jazira and Mosul.

Although records of Mosul, or al Mawsili, artists are still available as late as the latter half of the 13^th century, many artists shifted to Damascus, Cairo, and Aleppo. It has thus been difficult to decode their true provenance, even though such artifacts may have had a legitimate nisbah, or signature, and inscription.

Scholars have nevertheless made the case that the repetitive forms observed in artworks during the early and mid 13^th century should be classified under the so-called “Mosul School”. The problem of provenance remains mainly because Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, whose patronage helped to put Mosul inlay metalware on the world map, was a prevalent gift giver of the art form. “Lu’lu” first appears in history as mamluk of the Atabeg Nur al din Arslan Shah (1193–1211), the last fully independent Zengid ruler of Mosul. Arslan Shah had reasserted Mosul’s independence after the death of the Ayyubid ruler Salah al-Din in 589–1183, when deep ethnic and regimental rivalries in the Ayyubid army erupted in a long and bitter succession struggle’ (Patton, 1991).

Upon being proclaimed prince by the then Abbasid caliph al-Mustansir (Patton, 1991), Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ eventually put an end to Zengid rule in 1233. Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ was a mamluk, or slave, to the Zengid dynasty. Interestingly, during his sheltered presidency, Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ often gifted the finest quality inlay metalware to those with whom he had amiable relations. Given the fame of Mawsili metalworkers at the time, such works were highly sought after and therefore constituted very desirable gifts.

Raby (2012) notes how gifts can serve many purposes, including as a gesture of submission, a tribute, blandishment, a bribe, a reward, or a nicety of Muslim world diplomacy. Spanish geographer Ibn Said (ca. 1250) for instance claimed that local products such as silks and inlaid silver were often exported from Mosul as gifts for foreign rulers (Ballian, 2013).

Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ appears to have used gifts for a variety of purposes. Despite a lack of reputation for military victories, pressures from local Jaziran rivals, external threats from the Ayyubids of Syria and Egypt, the Seljuks of Rum and a tidal wave of eastern invaders, he managed to stay in power for almost half a century. This was achieved through appeasement and regular re-alignment with great powers, a strategy borne out by his changing marriage alliances and coinage. Such re-alignments would likely have been facilitated through extensive gift-giving, including inlay metalware.

For instance, from 1237–1238, he is reported to have used gift-giving as a way of preventing al-Malik al-Salih from encouraging the Khwarazmians to raid his territory (Raby, 2012). It is also thought that in 1232 he commissioned a piece known as the Freer ewer, a brass ewer decorated using a variety of techniques, for Shihab al-Din Tughrul, the atabeg of Aleppo (Kana’an, 2012).

The second issue in the problem of provenance for Mosul metalware arises from the fact that such artists worked at different locations over the course of the 13^th century. The fate of Mosul would ultimately follow the path of the Iranian regions and, by 1262, Mosul was attacked by the Mongols.

At the hands of Mongol-tyranny, many artists were forced to shift production to more politically amenable locations, with a large portion travelling to Egypt where they continued production under the Mamluk dynasty during the 14^th century. For Mosul artists, the vulnerable state of Mesopotamia in the Middle East and Asia inevitably carved out an opportunity for the metalworking technique to travel to various other regions via migration, including Venice, India, and other regions further east.

It seems highly likely then that the practice, even if only on a small scale, could have been exported to regions other than those we currently know as popular centres for the art form at this time. This suggests that the technique may well have travelled eastward toward India from Mosul. In India, it would have remained virtually dormant for centuries while it was passed down from generation to generation among a few select artisans. Then, for a variety of reasons, its popularity could have once again grown exponentially, albeit in a slightly new stylistic form, during the 17^th century. To assess the plausibility of such a claim, let us now consider Bidar’s experience via a descriptive example of Ahmad Shah Bahamani Wali’s rule (1422–1436) and Sufism in India during the first half of the 15^th century.

6.2. Bidar’s experience

The Bahamani Kingdom (1347–1527) was a Persianate Sunni Muslim empire located in the Deccan region of southern India. The early second millennium observed a massive increase in the popularity of Islam in the central and Southeast Asian regions. The Quadri Bidri artists, belonging to the Sufi sect, became important producers of Bidriware after gaining a portion of the land from the Bahamani Kingdom (Waghmare, 2016).

During the 13^th century, while Mosul was earning its legacy for producing inlay metalware, the various sects of the Sufi faith spread Sufism within India. Although the Sultanate maintained power in the Indian subcontinent, Sufi saints slowly spread Islam throughout the entire region. The fate of the Deccan regions, where Bidriware later flourished, would mirror that of the Mesopotamian regions. The Bahmani Sultanate was formed after splintering from the Tughlaq Sultanate (1320– 1413).

After the indigenous rulers of Deccan were defeated, they became vassals of successive sultanates. The Vijayanagar kingdom of Karnataka (1336–1646) however did not make it easy for the Bahmani kings that followed (Moid et al., 2005). The Bahamani kings collaborated with the Sufi sects, since they had power over the masses as a result of their spiritual inclination (Moid et al., 2005).

The Bahamanis were also fond of art and culture. The forts, paintings and Bidriware of the Deccan region are a key testament to this. The Bahamanis were enamored by Bidriware and brought artists with them to train local Indian artisans. During the reign of the ninth Bahamani king “Ahmad Shah II Wali” (1422– 1436) for example, Abdullah Kaiser, a metal worker from Iran, trained local artisans in Bijapur and Bidar (Mahmud, 1988). Like rulers in Mosul, they were also fond of the ritual of gift-giving, using Bidriware products as a tool in their diplomatic efforts. This in turn stimulated demand for the product and motivated many local artisans to produce the metalware themselves.

Also, like in the case of Mosul, the technique was passed down from parent to child over the course of many generations, often with an air of secrecy involved. Mahmud (1988) for example notes how a carpenter named Sivanna is thought to have become the first native of India to learn the craft after gaining the confidence of the Kaiser and thus the right to be taught. The technique was then kept as a secret and passed down to Sivanna’s descendants, who proceeded to produce the art form for various nobles.

Bapat and Kumar (2017) also illustrate how some of the Shetty family artisans sought to steal Abdullah bin Kaiser’s secret technique by rummaging through garbage. By doing so, they found a chisel from which were able to imitate the technique, subsequently copying the practice and giving birth to Bidar’s association with this type of metalwork.

It is clear to see that the technique of producing metalware from the Mosul School could have traveled eastward to India following the tyranny of the Mongol invasion. Here, it may have been perpetuated by local artists in relative obscurity while being passed down from generation to generation as secret family knowledge. Then, as a greater desire for gift-giving style diplomacy emerged among the Bahamanis, a higher demand for the product could have facilitated the rise of Bidriware as we know it today. But if the technique may have travelled eastwards to India in such an undocumented fashion, it seems logical that the same could also have occurred elsewhere.

6.3. Undocumented passage

From the logic presented above, it follows that the regions and time periods for which such metalware techniques are well known today may only constitute those where sufficient demand for the product allowed for the flourishment of a vibrant local industry. Only in locations where rulers commissioned such artifacts on a large-scale for gift-giving purposes were enough items made to become widely documented.

This raises the possibility, therefore, that the Mosul School technique may have travelled in any number of possible directions following mass exodus from the Mongol invasion. But unlike Bidriware, we simply do not know about other locations because they are not well documented and did not last. In the West, for example, Venetian metalware provides evidence pointing to the possibility of influence from the practice originating with the Mosul school (Auld, 1989).

It would be a mistake however to accept this research as undeniable proof that Bidriware originated from Mosul and that the Mosul School technique was spread to many other locations. The similarities observed here between the metalware artifacts of Bidar and Mosul could nevertheless be a result of historical coincidence. This comparative analysis is intended only to lay the groundwork for further study, evidence gathering and academic scrutiny. Only through this process can we arrive at sound conclusions grounded in concrete evidence, not speculation.

It is nonetheless exciting to explore the very real possibility that Bidriware did in fact originate from the Mosul School and that the 13^th century technique travelled to other undocumented regions as well. The example of the Buddhist Lotus symbol clearly illustrates how symbols, motifs and artistic forms can travel great distances over long periods of time. The same could well have been the case for Mosul School metalware. To determine whether or not this is true, however, further research is needed.

7. Conclusion

Inlay metalworking has been practiced since the onset of ancient civilization. The specific technique of inlaying metal sheet and applying a black compound to develop a beautiful aftabi, or silhouette, appearance, with a range of diverse products however appears to have first taken place in the Sogdian region of Khorasan, Herat, and other unidentified locations in Iran. Given Mongol aggression in the near east, those practicing the art form appear to have fled to Mosul for security.

Mosul would however ultimately experience the same fate. Having found the Mawsili nisbah, or signature, on metalware from various other regions, scholars have correctly highlighted a shift in production to other Middle Eastern centers, including Damascus, Aleppo, and Cairo. Badr al-Din Lu’lu’s reputation appears to have saved his sons’ lives during the Mongolian invasion of Mosul, after which they received respected positions in the courts of the established centers of Cairo and Aleppo (Patton, 1991).

Enduring regional instability continued to encourage artists to find new production hubs. From Central Eurasia to the Far East, societies and settlements experienced a series of battles and attacks, overpowering many dynasties. Artists thus travelled with the Sultanates eastwards, receiving lucrative patronage along the way. The examples of Babur (ruled 1494–1530), Ahmad Shah Bahaman (ruled 1422–1436), and Humayun (ruled 1530–1540 and 1555–1556), among other Mamluk and Mughal rulers, point distinctly to the entry of Persian-Islamic art into India.

Given a lack of documentation regarding its indigenous origins and the timely passage of cultural influence from the West, we should be skeptical of the independent status of Bidriware in the Indian subcontinent. The entry of the Sultanates into India correlated with the entry of Islamic-Persian culture, traditions, politics, lifestyle, people, and art. Such cultural influences appear to have become assimilated into virtually every aspect of Indian society, including artisan metalware production.

By the 15^th century, well-known Iranian and Iraqi metalworking sites had disintegrated following the Mongol invasion. Just as Abdullah Bin Kaiser found an appropriate patron in the Bahamanis during the first half of the 15^th century, many other artists may have placed themselves under the shelter of various provincial rulers. This raises the possibility that the Mosul School’s metalworking technique was spread to many other regions whose production remained undocumented since it did not flourish as Bidriware did in Bidar.

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Khadeeja Althagafi

Khadeeja Althagafi is a designer, metalwork artist and academic. She is an Assistant Professor of Visual Arts at the Visual Arts Department, College of Design & Arts, Umm Al-Qura University, Saudi Arabia. She holds a double major B.A. degree in Art Education and Home Economics from the Makkah Teachers’ College, Saudi Arabia (1999), a Master of Studio Art degree from the Sydney College of the Arts, University of Sydney, Australia (2006), and Ph.D. degree in Art & Design from the School Art & Design (Gold & Silversmithing Workshop), the Australian National University, Australia (2018). She has been involved in metalwork design and making for more than twenty years. Her research interests include art history, jewellery work and contemporary art.