Map out the legitimacy of source, story actors, and types of frames on the choice of development issues in faith media

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of sources, actors, and frames on development issues in Ethiopia’s faith media. The quantitative method compares the contents of two Ethiopian religious magazines to this end (Hamer and Hintset). SPSS software was used for data analysis, and both descriptive and inferential statistical techniques were used for data presentation. The findings revealed that social development stories were the most frequently found in both magazines. Furthermore, binary logistic regression analysis revealed that story actors and frame types influenced the selection of economic, historical, and moral development stories. The selection of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine, on the other hand, was influenced solely by frame types. The choice of economic, historical, and moral development frames in Hintset magazine was influenced by frame types. Peace development stories in both magazines were influenced by story actors and frame types, and frame types influenced the choice of social development stories in both magazines (Wald = 86, df = 10, p = .000) and (Wald = 57.6, df = 10, p = .000) in Hamer and Hintset magazines consecutively. Finally, the sources, story actors, and frame types of both magazines had no influence on natural resource and political development stories.

Keywords:

• Actor
• development
• frame
• Hamer
• Hintset
• source

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Lincoln Geraghty, School of Media and Performing Arts, University of Portsmouth, Portsmouth, United Kingdom

SUBJECTS:

• Media & Communications; Mass Media & Communication; Media Studies

1. Introduction

This article highlights the impacts of sources, story actors, and types of frames on the choice of development issues to the contemporary religious media in Ethiopia, one of the most religious countries in Africa (Bratosin, 2015).

The aim is to discuss the Ethiopian religious media landscape on the deliberation of the mediatization of development with a modified, transformed religious vitality that plays an active role and influences Ethiopian society both socially and spiritually. By entirely focusing on the case of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) and the Ethiopian Evangelical Church (EEC), this paper sheds some light on how the source, story actors, and types of frames impact classes of development in a religious media setting.

In a nutshell, the interrelationship between religious media and development is a theme that attracted less attention from scholars across various disciplines around the globe in general and in sub-Saharan African countries in particular. Accordingly, there is little research in Ethiopia addressing the mediatization of development in religious media prospects.

2. Theoretical framework

The media are as much influenced by society as the media influence society, and the impact is mutual and continuous (Vilanilam, 2005). From the second half of the last century, media coverage has acquired an actual weight in the attempt. On the one hand, building an epistemology better explains the current issues in communication research. For this research, framing and participatory communication theories were used as a guiding principle.

2.1. Framing theory

Any communicative text, either informative or persuasive, requires narrative structures to organize its discourse. News stories appear to be systematized in the media, based on narrative conventions that explain who is doing what and with what purpose. Tuchman (1978) describes the news as a window whose frame limits the perception of reality by altering the perception of different facts and focusing on a specific piece of it. As a result of these processes, some aspects of the reality perceived through the news will be more prominent than others.

News messages, therefore, are textual and visual structures built around a central axis of thought, from a particular perspective, and by information professionals (but not only by them), who will provide an interpretive framework for the audiences exposed to the news messages. From this approach, framing can be defined as a process in which some aspects of reality are selected and given greater emphasis or importance so that the problem is defined, its causes are diagnosed, moral judgments are suggested, and appropriate solutions and actions are proposed (Entman, 1993).

Fourteen years later, Weaver (2007) highlighted that the term frame lacked a clear conceptualization. It encompassed the interpretive schemas, the agenda of attributes of particular subjects or objects, and the process whereby messages influence individuals and the public’s perceptions, attitudes, and behaviours (Van Gorp, 2007). Researchers delving into the study of frames have to confront a significant disparity in the definitions of this concept, which sometimes results in a contradiction (McCombs, 2006).

However, not everyone has seen a weakness in the heterogeneity of approaches to framing. D’Angelo (2002) considers that the diversity of approaches to frame, through multiple disciplines and theoretical models, is possibly the only way to properly understand a phenomenon as complex as the effects of the media. In the same vein, Reese (2001) considers that the value of the theory of framing does not lie in its potential as a unified research paradigm as in the opportunity it provides to bring closer qualitative and quantitative, empirical and interpretive, psychological and sociological, and academic and professional research.

As ‘organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent’, frames are part of the symbolic universe and allow us to ‘meaningfully structure the social world’ (Reese, 2001, p. 11). In this context, the media would be part of the creation and transmission system creation and transmission system of frames. Still, they would not necessarily occupy a central or prominent position in this system.

The frame is found both in the sender and the receiver, the (informative) text, and culture. This is why the scientific literature often distinguishes between media and audience frames (Scheufele, 2000). Journalists, who have to tell a coherent and attractive story and are conditioned by news-making routines and time and space limitations, start framing reality by deciding what will and what will not become news. The framing process continues when some aspects of the news event are selected and privileged over others. Defining and assessing the problem, pointing out the causes and proposing solutions to the problem, and, ultimately, building a frame (media frames) in an operation that has been called frame building due to its analogy with the better-known process of agenda building. These frames that are built by the media can be defined as a central organizing idea or storyline that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weaving a connection among them (Gamson & Modigliani, 1987).

2.1.1. Typology of frames

Without attempting to exhaust all the possible classifications of frames or collect all the theoretical proposals in this regard, this section presents the types of frames used the most in the scientific literature.

2.1.1.1. Media frames and individual frames

According to their location, we can talk of media frame or frame in communication and frame in thought or individual frame. Scheufele and Tewksbury (2007) describe the frames used by the media as macro-constructs, necessary to reduce the complexity of the issues and adapt it to the needs and constraints of the media and the audiences to the interpretive schemas they were used to. Once in the minds of individuals, frames become micro-constructs that allow audiences to use the received information to form their impressions and images of the world.

Media frames are attributes of the news themselves, while individual frames are information and cognitive schemas. Media frames are built by using the media’s resources (written or spoken word, still or moving images, sounds and visual elements of all kinds, etc.) to organize the narrated story in such a way that it promotes. Entman (1993) points out a definition of the problem, interpretation of the causes, a moral assessment, and a recommended treatment. On the other hand, the frames of individuals are frames of understanding of reality and schemas in which new information is integrated, so they do not have a physical manifestation (like media frames do). Still, they can influence the attitudes and behaviour of individuals.

2.1.1.2. Strong frames and weak frames

In response to the persuasive force of frames, a differentiation between strong frames and weak frames has been proposed. Chong and Druckman (2007) argue that if one accepts different types of structures, one cannot refuse the idea that frames are not all equal in strength. The strength of a frame can be equated with the frame’s appeal. For the individual or the public, its capacity of persuasion against an alternative frame is correlated. However, as Chong and Druckman (2007) recognize, the frame’s strength is difficult to measure.

The relative strength depends on varied factors such as its frequency, accessibility, and relevance. Frequency is defined as the number of times and several media companies in which a frame is repeated: the more significant the frequency, the greater the force. The strength of a frame tends to be more critical when it focuses on considerations accessible to individuals. They have already been exposed to the frame and have understood it beforehand. Accessibility and repetition are, in turn, strongly imbricated because the accessibility of a message improves with repetition (Chong & Druckman, 2007). Another factor related to the strength of a frame is its relevance: a frame that speaks of the core of the matter will be stronger than those that talk of peripheral issues (Chong & Druckman, 2007).

2.1.1.3. Specific and generic frames

Literature on framing often distinguishes between generic and specific frames. The particular frames can only be applied to a specific topic or event. In contrast, generic frames can be used flexibly for different events and sometimes even in physical, temporal, and cultural spaces.

The use of generic frames facilitates the comparison of different research works carried out in other places and on various topics. Generic frames allow for the generalization needed to thicken the theoretical body of the framing. The search for specific frames complicates this work, but in return, it offers particular results to examine the media treatment of a specific topic accurately.

Neuman et al. (1992) identified the most common generic frames used by the media and the public: ‘human impact’, ‘powerlessness’, ‘economics’, ‘moral values’, and ‘conflict’. These generic frames, as formulated by Neuman et al. and with slight modifications, have been reused in several subsequent studies on framing. A good example is a work by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000), who employ most of the generic frames of Neuman et al. For their study, these researchers developed a scale to measure the frames known as ‘attribution of responsibility’, ‘conflict’, ‘human interest’, ‘morality’, and ‘economic consequences’.

Another type of generic frame widely used in the literature on political communication is the ‘Strategy’ frame, proposed by Rhee (2007) in opposition to the ‘issue’ frame. The strategy frame would be focused on aspects such as the style of political candidates, their personality, the tactics and development of the electoral campaign, etc. In this type of framing, the language of war and game are frequently used.

To capture the reader’s interest, information tended to highlight the human aspects of the campaign and underrepresented the role of institutions or the underlying political discourse. On the other hand, issue coverage would focus on the bottom-line message, deals with social problems, or the consequences of the guidelines carried out or suggested by the contenders.

2.1.1.4. Empirical identification of these generic frames of media frames

Most studies focused on identifying media frames use reports and, occasionally, their visual components as analysis material. Communication researchers have usually used inductive and deductive methods to identify these frames. The deductive approach is based on predefined frames, subsequently quantified in the analysis sample. Therefore, this method is more replicable and can be used for comparative analyses (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). On the other hand, the inductive method requires an open approach to the study sample to detect the frames it contains.

There are no frames defined a priori. The identified frames will come exclusively from the sample and not from frames used previously by other authors or from previous ideas proposed by researchers (Muñiz, 2007). The main drawback is that, generally, it is only applied to small samples because the detection process is arduous to replicate. For this research, however, both deductive and inductive methods were utilized.

2.1.1.5. The deductive method

The content analysis carried out through a deductive approach is easier to perform, can be applied to a large sample, and is easily replicable. The main drawback of this approach is the loss of relevant information since the frames that have not been defined a priori cannot be detected or measured (Igartua & Humanes, 2004). A usual strategy followed by deductive studies to carry out the previous selection of frames is to consider those frames used successfully by other researchers and apply them to the object of study in question.

2.1.1.6. The inductive approach

The inductive approach detects frames through immersion in the selected sample. Van Gorp (2007) has offered recommendations to carry out an inductive approach to frames, starting from the idea that we cannot find explicit frames but clues that lead to it in the text. These clues, called framing devices or reasoning devices, are terms, metaphors, examples, descriptions, arguments, images, and arguments, and they can be explicit or implicit. Van Gorp advises us to analyze certain strategically chosen news and find elements that can operate as framing or reasoning strategies.

Afterward, the researcher must find associations between those elements because the latent content (the frame) would emerge from that association of images, metaphors, arguments, etc. Finally, Van Gorp warns about the complexity of naming this association of elements since calling a frame implies a frame decision in itself. The name must be abstract enough to be applied in other situations, i.e. it must allow a certain degree of generalization.

2.1.1.7. Media and individuals framing

There are few studies in real contexts about how to frame setting occurs or, in other words, about how media frames become public frames and influence the attitudes, opinions, and behaviours of individuals and society (Edy & Meirick, 2007). Empirical research tends to analyze the presence of media frames, measure and compare them (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). In other studies action, under experimental conditions, individuals’ responses to certain information pieces created especially for the study and framed in different terms (Price et al., 1999). There are, however, not sufficient experimental studies that characterize and define how media frames become public frames in natural environments.

From a theoretical perspective, the process would be conducted in a stepped manner. It would be subjected to conditioning influences and factors that might increase or moderate the effects on recipients. It happens with the transfer of salience in the agenda-setting. For Rhee (2007), framing is a socio-cognitive process that would develop in three steps:

• the reception of the informative message;

• the integration of knowledge, understanding, and memorizing of part of the perceived information, in which an important role would be played not only the characteristics of the text but also by the information inferred by the interpreters, through their social knowledge and past experiences;

• the construction of a discursive model, or a mental representation of the actors, the actions carried out by them or about them, the scenarios, and the consequences of a situation, which can subsequently be applied in interpreting other similar events.

In the first stage, the frame activates an interpretive schema of the event they try to understand in the receivers’ minds. The frame remits the receiver to a series of implicit contents through a term, metaphor, an example, a description, an argument, a picture, or reasoning. As mentioned above, that does not need to be repeated in the text. The frame feeds on the culture. It manifests itself in all types of social discourses. Rodríguez Díaz and Mena Montes (2008) refer frame in which immigrants are perceived as a problem and a threat to the local population.

Activation is not the same for all individuals because two people exposed to the same information can take or not into consideration the definition of the problem proposed, the attributed cause, the moral assessment, or the recommendation made about the conduct to be followed. For this reason, Van Gorp (2007) states that the frame is not in the text: the connection with the frame will depend on the meaning attributed by individuals to what they have read, seen, or heard.

However, the text encourages the reader to go along a path of reasoning of interpretation, based on the framing above devices, which would work as ‘triggers’ that would activate the frame in decoding the information. We are talking about, for example, the choice of terms, metaphors, illustrations, descriptions, arguments, and images.

Therefore, the adoption of the frame is a complex phenomenon because there is no direct assumption of the media frames by individuals and the public. In addition to the different types of exposure to frames, moral boundaries, and personal convictions play a role in selecting and combining media frames to generate the individual’s frame. For example, Edy and Meirick (2007) suggest that specific socio-demographic characteristics (social class, political ideas, or belonging to an ethnic minority) influence the adoption of frames.

2.1.1.8. Framing effects on individuals and the public

Back in the 1970s, Goffman (1974) predicted that through the selection and provision of salience, frames help the audiences locate, perceive, identify, and label the flow of information surrounding them. Through this process, frames determine the social environment by influencing individuals and the public’s thoughts, ideas, and attitudes.

Although research on the effects of messages on the public has often yielded contradictory results, current studies speak of ‘strong effects’ and ‘weak effects’. Individual and social perceptions can be significantly affected by the messages transmitted by the media. Still, this influence is moderated by the predisposition of individuals, their interpretive schemas, and other characteristics of individuals and their social environment. Kinder (2007) considers the media appear to be influential enough to attract the attention of individuals and the public, but from there, onwards the effects are highly variable.

On the one hand, many citizens do not consume current affairs news and simply miss the message. The public is isolated in their private experiences and does not adequately perceive the message (Kinder, 2007). On the other hand, culture plays a central role in the processes of framing, acting as a ‘reservoir’ of frames and simultaneously setting limits on what is socially acceptable or not. If the frames collide head-on with widely accepted cultural principles, it is unlikely that they will have significant effects. Similarly, it is considered that although most of the information acquired by the public about public affairs comes from the media, their results are limited: ‘the public is not an automaton passively waiting to be programmed by the media’ (McCombs, 2006, p. 186).

The interpretation of social facts and the development of a discursive model by the individual derive from a negotiation process between prior social knowledge and new information to which the individual is exposed. Framing would act by reducing the role played by this prior knowledge in the construction of the interpretation and the attribution of meaning. Still, without managing to cancel it: individuals integrate and remember information better when it is consistent with their knowledge and interpretive schemas (Rhee, 2007).

A large part of lab-based framing studies exposes individuals to a single frame, which is very different from what happens in a natural environment. There are alternative and even opposing frames for the same topic. Perhaps, for this reason, the effects of framing in public may have been magnified (Druckman, 2004). In a context of competition between frames, people tend to offer ‘genuine opinions, which are independent of the frames to which they are exposed’ (Druckman, 2004). The natural exposure to the media is more prolonged and varied than the exposure in a lab, as the former takes place gradually and during significant periods (Kinder, 2007).

Framing has been used as a paradigm for understanding and investigating communication and related behaviour in various disciplines to make judgments and draw inferences about the world around them. Like public relations and mainstream media, religious communicators fundamentally construct social reality (Tuchman, 1978). Constructionists contend that representations of objects or problems in people’s minds vary from the corresponding actual objects or conditions on which they are based.

Framing is a critical activity in constructing social reality because it helps shape the perspectives through which people see the world. Thus, framing involves processes of inclusion and exclusion as well as emphasis. Entman (1993) summarized the essence of framing processes with the following:

Framing essentially involves selection and salience. To frame is to select some aspects of perceived reality and make them more salient in the communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, or treatment recommendation for the item described. Frames, then, define problems determine what a causal agent is doing and costs and benefits. They usually measure cultural values; diagnose causes-identify the forces creating the problem; make moral judgments-evaluate causal agents and their effects; suggest remedies-offer and justify treatments for the issue and predict their likely results. (p. 55)

Implicitly, framing plays an integral role in religious communication. Establishing standard frames of reference about topics or issues of mutual concern is necessary for practical understanding to be found.

2.1.2. How does framing work?

As a property of a message, a frame defines the message’s meaning by shaping the inferences that individuals’ conceptions about the message. Frames reflect judgments made by message creators or framers. Some frames represent the alternative balancing of information (i.e. putting data in a positive or negative light or valence framing); others involve the simple alternative phrasing of terms (semantic frame). The most complex form of framing is storytelling (story framing).

Framing operates by biasing the cognitive processing of information by individuals. It works by providing contextual cues that guide decision-making and inferences drawn by message audiences. Tversky and Kahneman (1987) suggested that the simple positive-vs.-negative framing of a decision operates as a cognitive heuristic or rule-of-thumb that guides decisions in uncertainty or risk situations. Negative reactance to losses or risks is consistent with other findings in the impression formation literature that suggest negative information is weighted more heavily than positive information, which is more attention-getting (Pratto & John, 1991).

Regardless of the specific model, researchers agree that schematic processing entails people using association and expectation to make inferences about events and impute meaning not manifested in the message itself. Significantly, some researchers use ‘frame’ synonymously with the schema to delimit which memory nodes are associated with a particular topic in memory (Barsalou, 1992; Lawson, 1998).

Generally, framing theory is adapted from traditional public relations and mainstream media framing models to religious communication. Four of the seven models of framing in public relations are chosen. These are framing of responsibility, issues, risky choices, and actions. From media typology of frames, media frames and individual frames, strong and weak frames, specific and generic frames, deductive and deductive frames, and empirical identification of media frames and media and individual framing. Finally, eleven types of frames were formulated from the above explanations.

For this article goal frame and empirical identification of media frame were used to identify frames.

1. Goal frames. Positive activity (goal) framing involves focusing attention on obtaining a positive consequence (gain) (morality, education, social work, human interest, economic, responsibility). In contrast, the negative frame avoids the negative consequence (loss) resulting from not taking a particular action (corruption, conflict, conservative, exclusivist, political power).

2. Based on the empirical identification of media frames, this study proposed five frames. ‘Attribution’ of responsibility shows the problem or issue focusing on who caused a situation or who must solve it. The ‘conflict’ frame presents the issue from the perspective of polarization and confrontation of individuals or social groups, sometimes using the language of war or games and competitions. The ‘human interest’ frame brings the issue or problem closer to any receiver because the human emotion captivates everyone. The issue is personalized, showing the human side. The ‘economic consequences’ frame emphasizes the economic impact that a particular issue may have on citizens in general or on any particular religious group, making the public aware of a problem that, otherwise, might seem irrelevant. The ‘morality’ frame gives prominence to an issue’s religious or moral implications or indicates how they should behave to a group or an individual. This framing is often camouflaged through quotes, attributing the moral or spiritual recommendations or evaluations to another actor (not the journalist or the news media company).

Finally, inductive coverage was used to identify frames. Inductively, six kinds of frames were formulated. Corruption, conservatives, exclusivist, political power, social work, and education.

2.2. Participatory communication theory

In addition to accelerating economic growth, reducing inequality, and eliminating absolute poverty, development refers to a multifaceted process that involves significant changes in social structures, popular attitudes, and national institutions (Smith and Petty 1996)). This is because development is necessary for increasing knowledge and abilities, growing new consciousness, strengthening the human soul, and combining human certainty, in addition to economic and technological advancement.

Due to societal changes and the concept’s progression through several stages of growth, it has undergone ongoing alteration. The indicators of development are changing to the needs of the specific society as a result of globalization and the resulting changes in cultural texture, economy, polity, innovation, and communication viewpoints. It is a broadly participative cycle of organized social change in the public sphere, with the expectation that most people will benefit materially and socially by dealing with their predicament.

The term participatory communication comes from community development. It denotes the theory and practices of communication used to encourage people to participate from planning to the decision-making process of development (Mefalopolus, 2008). He clarifies the main purpose of communication ought to be communal to all the participants. This embraces the sharing of meanings, perceptions, or familiarity of stakeholders who are involved in a development project. That means the community could be benefiting from the development projects equitably. The main features that portray participatory communication are associated with its capacity to involve the human issues of social change in the process of interconnecting through communication (Gumucio Dagron, 2001).

In compiling stories of social transformation, Gumucio Dagron notes that participatory approaches target to put decision-making in the peoples’ hands. He elucidates that engaging a participatory approach builds up the competence of communities to provoke their ideas towards development plans with planners working for aid organizations. Moreover, the participatory approach builds up an internal democratic manner in which all members have their role within the communities.

Among the protagonists of the participatory approach, Beltrán (2004) describes the modernization paradigm has been promoting a top-down, ethnocentric, and patriarchal view of development. He distinguished interposition which was focused on messages to better reach individuals, or behavioral change was unable to appliance social change. Gumucio Dagron (2001) claims that communication in the participatory principle offers a sense of self to the local community that obtains aid; particularly, in communities who have been demoted, suppressed, or ignored for years. Employing a participatory communication approach helps to put in cultural pride and self-esteem between the indigenous people. It also supports indigenous forms of organization and keeps customs and values by easing the assimilation of new elements.

The additional role of participatory communication is that it decides whether the communication practice is modified to every community member in terms of content, language, culture, and medium, rather than the predisposition to use similar communication strategies in various cultural sceneries and for diverse social segments of society (Gumucio Dagron, 2001). Development communication necessitates compassion between cultural multiplicity and particular contexts were ignored.

Gumucio-Dagron et al. claim development communication requests to be human-focused, to use communication as a tool, to include the community, and to warrant the success of projects. In accentuating the importance of media in communication, participatory concepts offered a new understanding of development communication and extended the idea of participation further than what was reflected in the modernization theories. Melkote (1991) favors locals who are preferred by agency experts to public participation. Participatory theoreticians believe that homegrown knowledge as disparate to expert and external knowledge as supreme to the success of development projects (Gumucio Dagron, 2001; Melkote, 1991).

Participatory communication helps to identify the beliefs and felt needs of local people, and the donors think about what the people have to have (Gumucio Dagron, 2001). He elucidates community-based conversation and dialogical communication help to identify and distinguish between people’s needs and donor-driven communication needs.

2.3. Ethiopia religious media landscape

The Ethiopian religious media have developed to transmit and communicate faith and control the communication of sacred and secular information. Religious media encourage confessions to become social and cultural partners of the state and political partners. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church, which had been the dominant religious denomination, is the historical partner of the state in spiritual, cultural, and political matters. It proclaims itself the guarantor of national identity. Studies on religious vitality generally argue that former communist countries (like Ethiopia) are exposed to premature secularization (Norris & Inglehart, 2014; Pickel, 2012).

The modernization processes were carried out for different reasons by adopting Western laws and imitating Western institutions, without a critical evaluation of the specific situation of the Ethiopian society. Due to the shortage or lack of domestic resources for modernization (human, economic, administrative, financial, and cultural resources), modernity is an asymptotic form of modernization that does not achieve the standards of modernity, even though it may appear to come very close (Schifirnet, 2013).

The characteristics of religious media join the puzzle of being both secular and religious because they are captive of both worlds by the substance of the mediatization that shapes any institution and organization according to its internal functioning (Bratosin, 2016). They get to be both highly religious and highly secular as regards the representation and expression of their mission in programs, articles, etc. The theories of secularization show their weakness and inadequacy in understanding the forms and faith of contemporary religion and its relationship with society, politics, economics, and so on (Berger, 2001; Beyer, 2016; Willaime, 2006).

The Ethiopian religious media are based on the media culture, that is to say, primary forms of organization, institutional arrangements, and similar professional practices and goals. These characteristics are setting positive expectations and goals for public, social, economic, political, historical, moral, and cultural information and communication. Despite this, from a comparative perspective, Ethiopia’s main religious media competitors have retained some distinctive features: the visibility of development issues, choice of development story sources, development actors, and dominant frames. The Ethiopian Orthodox religious media tends to influence the national culture and social values. In contrast, the Ethiopian Evangelical Protestant media tends to affect the morale and the political elites in the name of the common good.

In the post-1991 period, religious-based strains and polemical exchanges became dominant. As Abbink (2011, p. 253) mentions in this period, ‘Religious identities are becoming more dominant as people’s primary public identity, and more ideological’. He further noted, ‘This development has ramifications for the public sphere’, where identities of a religious nature are currently presented and contested in a self-consciously polemical fashion’ (Abbink, 2011, p. 253). In this context of post-1991 Ethiopia and those mentioned above, constitutionally limited space to broadcast religious media showed the growing visibility of printed media.

2.4. Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and Ethiopian Evangelical Church

Ethiopia is the third-largest Christian population in sub-Saharan Africa, next to Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Sahgai & Smith, 2009). It has had a big Christian presence since the establishment of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in the early 4th century. Since that point, the Orthodox Church has remained Ethiopia’s most influential religious body, with strong links between church, state, and national identity. The country’s Christians signify about 63% of the population. Ethiopia’s Christian community traces back to the 4th century when the emperor of the Ethiopian Axumite Kingdom converted to Christianity. After the emperor’s conversion, the patriarch of Alexandria in Egypt appointed a bishop to oversee a replacement church in Ethiopia.

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church which is one of the world’s oldest churches has its liturgical, language, and calendar. The overwhelming majority of Ethiopia’s Christians have adhered to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church for many of the past 1700 years (Sahgai & Smith, 2009). Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church Sunday school of saints’ media department began producing ‘Hamer’ magazine in May 1993 as one of the missions that have been given to the holy church is to transfer the word of God in a special way to the Christian people.

Ethiopian Evangelical Church established its evangelical service long ago. Recently, it has reached its adherents through print and online media. Hintset magazine was launched in 2014 by Hintset Christian Society, which is a faith-based society founded in 2013 by a group of Christians who are committed to the expansion and edification of the Evangelical Churches of Ethiopia. The Ge’ez word ‘Hintset’, which means ‘to edify’ or ‘to build’, is intended to describe this commitment. Hintset Christian Society seeks to foster Biblical knowledge and Christian values to equip Ethiopian Evangelical Christians to fulfill the Gospel mandate. It is there to fill the gaps that the Ethiopian Evangelical community faces in its pursuit of fulfilling the great commission in Ethiopia and beyond, by contributing positively in seizing its opportunities and overcoming the challenges, in a way that is Biblical and reflective of Christian ethics. The magazine was found in print, but now it is only on their website due to the rise in publication costs.

2.5. Research questions

1. To what extent has the development issue been central to EOTC-Hamer and EEC-Hintset in Ethiopia?

2. What are the differences or similarities between the development content priorities of Hamer and Hintset magazines in Ethiopia?

3. Do source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on the choice of economic, social, political, cultural, moral, peace, natural development issues in the selected religious magazines?

4. Does the time of coverage related to the kind of development priorities in the studied magazines?

3. Methodology

Quantitative research is conducted in the tradition of the natural sciences. Therefore, its approach to the study of reality is structured, measured, and, to a large extent, replicable. Such measurement facilitates adequacy, consistency, uniformity, comparison, accuracy, and precision in describing and assessing concepts (Sarantakos, 2005). Moreover, it offers researchers the opportunity to govern causal relationships in wider social contexts (Bryman, 2006).

Sarantakos (2005) defines content analysis as a documentary method that aims at a quantitative and/or qualitative analysis of the content of texts, pictures, films, and other forms of verbal, visual, or written communication. According to Weber (2009), this research method uses a set of procedures to make valid inferences from such texts. Therefore, content analysis is about making valid inferences from the content of media texts in a quantitative manner.

Content analysis usually yields unobtrusive measures, in which neither the sender nor the receiver of the message is aware that it is being analyzed. Hence, there is little danger that the act of measurement itself will act as a force for change that confounds the data (Weber, 2009). Sarantakos (2005) also states the method is non-reactive, transparent, unobtrusive, and what is perhaps most relevant to this study.

3.1. Sampling techniques and sample

Sarantakos (2005) states that sampling decisions have to be made on the selection of the medium, selection of the date of publication, and the selection of the parts of the medium to be studied. The population was the print, outdoor, or electronic media (radio and television). However, in Ethiopia, archives for electronic media were poorly managed in many stations and, where available, were not accessible to members of the public, even for research purposes. Therefore, the print medium was selected. Furthermore, the print media is a reputable source of information. The researcher believes that electronic media for religious purposes have been used recently, but the purpose of this research is used to trace back to study the transition between secularity and post-secularity periods.

The period under review for this study was from 1993 to 2021 from Hamer and 2014 to 2021 from Hintset. Hence, it was a useful timeline to see the trends for understanding how development issues have been reported. A multi-stage sampling technique was used for this study. The first stage of sampling, publication type, was purposive. ‘Hamer’ and ‘Hintset’ magazines have been identified as highly circulated and utilized by the Christian community. The second stage involves stratified sampling based on the publication listed dates and comprehensive sampling, which comprised fourteen (from Hamer) and seven (from Hintset) years editions of the selected period. Third, from the selected magazines, by using the available sampling technique all development issues (359 from Hamer and 326 from Hintset) were analyzed.

3.2. Data collection tool

The document was taken as a data collection tool. Quantitative contents were collected from the selected magazines. To collect documented data, the researcher adapted Xiaoge’s (2009) indicators as a codebook for the content analysis of the development agendas. These indicators were used as analytic dimensions for the analysis of the programs. As an adaptation, these indicators were modified to address the questions of this study. In this context, development refers to economic, social, historical, cultural, political, moral, peacebuilding/conflict resolution, and natural resource management.

3.2.1. Codebook

The codebook has five main parts. The first part deals with development story types:

Economic development indicators were agriculture, trade, industry, infrastructure (construction, communication, water, transport) and tourism.

Social indicators were education (formal, informal, and nonformal), health (environmental, emotional, spiritual), demography, and marriage.

Political issue indicators were democracy, governance, and capacity building.

Cultural issue indicators were preserving cultural identity and values and promote local knowledge.

Historical narrative indicators were country’s, churches’, religious leaders’, and believers’ history.

Moral issues indicators were honesty, work ethic, humanity, respect, caring, and sharing.

Peace (conflict resolution) indicators were inter-religion relation, inter government relation, and intra religion relation.

Natural resource development indicators were preserving land, forest, biodiversity, minerals, and climate change.

The second part includes sources of development stories which are classified into six: Sacred books, media, adherents, government organizations, non-governmental organizations, and celebrities.

The third part deals with story actors, religious leaders (Orthodox), Adherents, Religious leaders (Protestant), Political leaders and Prophets.

The fourth part explains the dominant frames: Morality frame, Conflict frame, Economic frame, Educative frame, Conservative, Political power, Exclusivist, Corruption, Social work, Attribution of responsibility, and Human-interest frame.

The last part includes years of publication (1993, 1995, 1997, … 2021 from Hamer and 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021 from Hintset).

3.3. Inter coder reliability

Inter-coder Reliability = 2*m/(N1 + N2) where; m is the number of coding decisions on which the two coders agreed; N1 and N2 are the total numbers of coding decisions by the first and second coder, respectively should be divided by two. The inter-coder reliability result was 0.87. Hence, the coding continued as the reliability coefficient indicated reliable.

3.4. Data analysis

The data which were collected from the document were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics. From the documented data, the indicators were used as a starting point of analysis. They helped gain insights into the basic structure in which the development-oriented programs exhibited and narrated in religious media practice. To identify these indicators, the coders carefully read the stories. The first step was to read the whole story to get a general idea of what the story was all about. Coders ensured that the indicators were mutually exclusive and exhaustive, as advised by. Findings were discussed in line with the scholarly works and theories within which the study was situated.

The data collected from the document were analyzed using descriptive (frequency and percentage) and inferential (chi-square and binary logistic regression) statistics. There are some reasons for using those analyses. First, descriptive statistics (frequency and percentage) were used to show and compare the extent of development issues occurrences in the studied magazines. Second, inferential statistics, chi-square, was used to see whether there was a relationship between independent variables: development issue types with years of publication, types of sources with years of publication, types of development story actors with years of publication, and types of frames with years of publication. Third, binary logistic regression was used since the data were categorical(yes/no). The binary logistic regression was also used to show the extent of the relationship between independent variables, like source, story actors, and frames with development types.

To sum up, descriptive statistics were used to show the extent of coverage. Chi-square was used to indicate if there was a relationship or not. Binary logistic regression was used to offer both the type and extent of the relationship at a time.

4. Findings

The quantitative data has been presented in three sub-sections. The first part includes the frequency distribution of development types and their roles in Hamer and Hintset magazines using descriptive statistics. The second part embraces the impact of source, story actors, and dominant frames on the choice of development types presented in Binary logistic regression analysis tables.

4.1. Quantitative content analysis

Development refers to continuous change in society for the betterment of the people in their various phases of life. It is grouped under eight; namely, economic, political, cultural, historical, moral, peace, and natural resource development. In Hamer magazine, from a total of 988 stories, 359 (36.3%) of them were labeled as development stories. Similarly, in Hintset magazine, from 778 stories, 326 (41.9%) of them were considered development issues. To label them, we used inclusion and exclusion criteria. Hence, stories from the front and back pages, like advertisements, thanksgiving opinions, and repetitive issues, were excluded. However, stories that showed material and non-material advancements, worldly and after worldly matters, secular and non-secular matters, etc., have been labelled as development issues. As a result, a total of 685 development stories, 359 (52.4%) and 326 (47.6%) from Hamer and Hintset, were analyzed consecutively.

As indicated in Figure 1, from the entire development stories found in Hamer magazine, 167 (46.5%) of them were found in period one, which ranges from 1993 to 2005, whereas the other 192 (53.5%) of them were found in period 2, that is 2007–2021. From the period one development stories, 58 (34.73%) of them were social development issues which were the most frequently found stories. On the contrary, natural resource management and political development issues were the scarcities development stories which showed 2 (1.19%) and 3 (1.79%) consecutively. Peace development stories 29 (17.36%) were the most frequently existing stories. Historic development stories 28 (16.76%) and moral development issues 27 (16.16%) were the third and fourth often covered development issues in that period; however, economic development issues 12 (7.18%) were the third most minor development issues in period 1.

Figure 1. The cross-tabulation result of development issues * years of publication in Hamer magazine.

Figure 1 revealed that 192 (53.5%) development stories were found in period 2. From those stories, 59 (30.89%) were social development issues. Moral development 44 (23.03%) and peace development 30 (15.7%) issues were the second and third frequently covered development stories in the second period. On the contrary, political development 2 (1.04%) and natural resource management stories 2 (1.04%) were equally the least frequently covered stories. Cultural development issues 16 (8.37%) were the third least often covered development issues in the period. Economic and historic development issues 19 (9.89%) stories were the fourth-least frequently found stories in that period.

The figure showed that social development issues were the most frequently covered in periods one, 58 (49.6%) and period two, 59 (50.4%). However, peace development issues 29 (49.2%) were the second most frequently found stories in period 1, and the third most commonly found stories 30 (50.8) in period 2. Conversely, moral development issues 44 (62%) were the second most widely seen stories in period 2, and the third one 27 (38%) were in period 1. As a result, the number of moral development issues in period 1 was less than in period 2. Natural resource management issues 2 (50%) in periods 1 and 2 (50%) in periods 2 were the scarcities development stories in both periods. Political development issues 2 (40%) in period 2 and 3 (60%) in period 1 were the second least development stories. As shown, the number of political development issues in period 1 was more significant than in period 2. Cultural development issues 8 (33.3%) in period 1 and 16 (66.7%) in period 2 were the third least frequently covered development stories in both periods. As shown in Figure 1, the number of historic development issues in period 1 was less than in period 2. Economic development stories 12 (38.7%) in period 1 and 19 (61.3%) in period 2 were the fifth and fourth frequently covered stories in periods 1 and 2 consecutively. The result indicated that the number of economic development issues in period 1 was less than in period 2. However, historic development issues 28 (59.6%) in period 1 and 19 (40.4%) in period 2 made it the third and fourth frequently covered issues in periods 1 and 2 consecutively. As shown, the number of historic development issues in period 1 was more significant than in period 2.

Figure 2 indicated that 239 (73.3%) of development stories were found in period 1, whereas 87 (26.7%) of them were found in period 2. As a result, peace development stories 54 (22.6%) were the most frequently covered stories in period 1. Moral development stories 50 (20.9%) and social development stories 48 (20.1%) were the second and third most frequently covered development issues during the first period. Historic development issues 46 (19.2%) were also the fourth most commonly covered issue during the period. However, natural resource development issues 1 (.4%) were the scarcities development issues in period 1. Five (2.1%) cultural development issues were the second least frequent development issues next to natural resource management issues. Political development 16 (6.7%) and economic development issues 19 (7.9%) were the third and fourth-least frequently covered development stories in period 1.

Figure 2. The cross-tabulation result of development issues * years of publication in Hintset magazine.

Figure 2 also revealed that social development issues 29 (33.3%) were the most frequently covered stories in the second period. Moral development stories 23 (26.4%) were the second most covered development issues in period 2. Peace development, historical development, and political development issues 11 (12.6%) were equally the third most frequently found stories during the second period. On the contrary, natural resource management and cultural development issues were not found in the second period. Economic development issue 1 (1.1%) was the least frequently found development issue in the second period.

The finding in Figure 2 showed that the comparisons of the two periods result revealed that 239 (73.3%) of development issues were found in the first period while the remaining 87 (26.7%) of the stories were found in the second period. Similarly, from the total of development issues, 19 (95%) of them were found in the first period and the rest 1 (5%) was found in the second period. From a total of social development issues, 48 (62.3%) of them were found in the first period while 29 (37.7%) of the stories existed in the second period. All cultural development 5 (100%) and natural resource development 1 (100%) stories were only found in the first period. From the historical development issues, 46 (80.7%) of them were found in the first period, and the remaining 11 (19.3%) of them were found in period 2. As it can be seen from Figure 2, 50 (68.5%) of historical development issues were found in the first period, and 23 (31.5%) of them were in period 2. Peace development stories, which accounted for 54 (831%) in the first period and 11 (16.9%) in the second period were the most frequently found stories in the first period.

4.2. Regression analysis

The data in the above table indicated that sources of development stories did not have an impact on the choice of economic development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 4.18, df = 6, p = .759), and (Wald = 4.27, df = 6, p = .640) consecutively (Table 1). Story actors and dominant frames had an impact on the choice of economic development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 15.3, df = 5, p = .009), and (Wald = 32, df = 10, p = .000). However, in Hintset magazine, story actors did nan to influence the choice of economic development stories (Wald = 913, df = 5, and p = .969). Dominant frames had an impact on the choice of economic development issues selection in Hintset magazine (Wald = 19.4, df = 10, p = .035). In both magazines, framing had a relationship with economic development stories; specifically, the economic frame had an impact on the choice of economic development stories as [β = −3.1, SE = 914, Wald = 11.8, df = 1, p = .001, EXP (β) = .043], and [β = −4.5, SE = 1.254, Wald = 12.9, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .011] in Hamer and Hintset magazines consecutively.

Table 1. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on economic development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		4.18	6	.759			4.27	6	.640
Sacred	21 (31,003)	.000	1	.999	1.8 × 10^9	−2.5 (25,943)	.000	1	1.00	.080
Media	19 (31,004)	.000	1	1.000	1.4 × 10^4	−19 (25,680)	.000	1	.999	.000
Celebrity	2.3 (29,672)	.000	1	1.000	9.7	−19 (25,681)	.000	1	.999	.000
Adherents	19 (31,004)	.000	1	1.000	1.6 × ^6	−19.7 (25,681)	.000	1	.999	.000
ROs	20 (31,004)	.000	1	.999	3.4 × 10^8	−18 (25,681)	.000	1	.999	.000
GOs	22 (39,406)	.000	1	1.000	3.9 × ^9	−1.2 (27,837)	.000	1	1.00	.287
Actors		15.3	5	.009*			.913	5	.969
OL	−38 (12,505)	.000	1	.998	.000	−.7 (15,315)	.000	1	1.00	.511
Adherents	−35 (12,505)	.000	1	.998	.000	−16 (11,216)	.000	1	.999	.000
PL	−37 (12,505)	.000	1	.998	.000	−16.9 (11,216)	.000	1	.999	.000
POL	−40 (12,505)	.000	1	.997	.000	.02 (14,560)	.000	1	1.000	1.022
Prophets	−38 (12,505)	.000	1	.998	.000	2.4 (12,232)	.000	1	1.000	11.005
Frames		32.0	10	.000*			19.4	10	.035*
Morality	1.5 (1.276)	1.41	1	.234	4.573	17 (4820)	.000	1	.997	3 × 10^7
Conflict	19.5 (7290)	.000	1	.998	2.8 × 10^8	−.17 (1.483)	.014	1	.906	.839
Economic	−3.1 (.914)	11.8	1	.001*	.043	−4.5 (1.254)	12.9	1	.000*	.011
Educative	1.5 (1.28)	1.33	1	.249	4.385	16.2 (4714.7)	.000	1	.997	1 × 10^7
Conserve.	19 (14,007)	.000	1	.999	1.4 × 10^8	17.6 (11,363)	.000	1	.999	4.6 × 10^7
POP	20.1 (9155)	.000	1	.998	5.5 × 10^8	16.8 (8269.9)	.000	1	.998	2 × 10^7
Exclusivist	18 (14,059)	.000	1	.999	9.4 × 10^7	17.5 (8149)	.000	1	.998	3.9 × 10^7
Corruption	−1.2 (.999)	1.53	1	.215	.290	17.7 (7511)	.000	1	.998	4.8 × 10^7
SW	1.1 (1.059)	1.14	1	.285	3.101	−2.2 (1.2)	3.41	1	.065	.108
Responsib.	20 (28,370)	.000	1	.999	3.5 × 10^8	−1.3 (1.18)	1.25	1	.263	.268

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

The result in the above table depicted those sources of social development stories did not have an impact on the choice of social development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 6.26, df = 6, p = .509), and (Wald = 9.69, df = 6, p = .138) (Table 2). Similarly, story actors did influence the social development story selections in the studied magazines as (Wald = 6.43, df = 5, p = .266) in Hamer, and (Wald = 1.68, df = 5, p = .891) in Hintset magazine. On the contrary, dominant frames had an impact on the choice of social development stories in both studied magazines (Wald = 86, df = 10, p = .000), and (Wald = 57.6, df = 10, p = .000) in Hamer and Hintset magazines consecutively. Specifically, the educative frame had a relationship with the choice of social development stories in both Hamer [β = −4.86, SE = .8, Wald = 36.9, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .008], and Hintset [β = −4.34, SE = .752, Wald = 33.2, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .013] magazines.

Table 2. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on social development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		6.26	6	.509			9.69	6	.138
Sacred	22 (23,454)	.000	1	.999	3.3 × 10^9	−21.4 (28,065)	.000	1	.999	.000
Media	23 (23,454)	.000	1	.999	7.5 × 10^9	−21.6 (28,065)	.000	1	.999	.000
Celebrity	41 (29,127)	.000	1	.999	7.7 × 10^17	−20.7 (28,065)	.000	1	.999	.000
Adherents	22 (23,454)	.000	1	.999	3.8 × 10^9	−20.8 (28,065)	.000	1	.999	.000
ROs	23 (23,454)	.000	1	.999	1.2 × 10^10	−22.6 (28,065)	.000	1	.999	.000
GOs	23 (35,664)	.000	1	.999	9.2 × 10^9	−2.7 (30,209)	.000	1	1.00	.069
Actors		6.43	5	.266			1.68	5	.891
OL	−.12 (1.24)	.009	1	.926	.891	−.02 (1.415)	.000	1	.988	.978
Adherents	−.66 (1.16)	.327	1	.567	.515	.818 (1.176)	.484	1	.487	2.267
PL	1.78 (1.84)	.934	1	.334	5.919	.98 (1.189)	.679	1	.410	2.663
POL	19 (1351)	.000	1	.999	1.6 × 10^6	.86 (12,148)	.000	1	1.00	2.367
Prophets	.534 (1.3)	.166	1	.684	1.706	.468 (1.22	.146	1	.703	1.596
Frames		86.0	10	.000*			57.6	10	.000*
Morality	−.38 (.726)	.280	1	.597	.681	−1.31 (.701)	3.49	1	.062	.270
Conflict	−.897 (.93)	.922	1	.337	.408	18.9 (7386)	.000	1	.998	1.6 × 10^7
Economic	−.48 (.92)	.272	1	.602	.619	18.4 (10,472)	.000	1	.999	9.5 × 10^7
Educative	−4.86 (.8)	36.9	1	.000*	.008	−4.34 (.752)	33.2	1	.000*	.013
Conserve.	19 (14,047)	.000	1	.999	1.3 × 10^8	−.78 (1.09)	.515	1	.473	.458
POP	−.26 (1.3)	.042	1	.838	.770	18.5 (10,168)	.000	1	.999	1 × 10^8
Exclusivist	20 (16,355)	.000	1	.999	3.1 × 10^8	.976 (1.208)	.653	1	.419	2.653
Corruption	−2.2 (.93)	5.60	1	.018	.110	−.62 (.863)	.520	1	.471	.537
SW	.515 (.9)	.324	1	.569	1.673	−2.36 (.77)	9.39	1	.002	.095
Responsib.	−20 (2345)	.000	1	.999	.000	−.486 (.76)	.413	1	.520	.615

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

Sources of political development stories, story actors, and dominant frames did not influence the political development stories in the Hamer magazine as Wald test result revealed that (Wald = .968, df = 6, p = .995), (Wald = .221, df = 5, p = .999), and (Wald = 3.42, df = 10, p = 945) (Table 3). In Hintset magazine, sources of political development stories and story actors did not also have an impact on the choice of economic development stories (Wald = 6.31, df = 6, p = .389), and (Wald = 3.03, df = 5, p = .695) sources and story actors, respectively. Though frames did not have an impact on the choice of political development stories (Wald = .000, df = 10, p = .999), economic development frame had an impact on the choice of political development stories specifically, as [β = −6.5, SE = 1.7, Wald = 14.5, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .001].

Table 3. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on political development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		.968	6	.995			6.31	6	.389
Sacred	−13 (29,474)	.000	1	1.00	.000	−.89 (28,161)	.000	1	1.00	.410
Media	3.2 (29,883)	.000	1	1.00	23.80	−.5 (28,161)	.000	1	1.000	.601
Celebrity	1.8 (30,203)	.000	1	1.00	6.50	−3.2 (28,160)	.000	1	1.000	.041
Adherents	−15 (29,474)	.000	1	1.00	.000	−1.5 (28,161)	.000	1	1.000	.224
ROs	2.2 (29,674)	.000	1	1.00	8.79	−2.1 (28,160)	.000	1	1.000	.120
GOs	−12 (39,402)	.000	1	1.00	.000	−4 (28,161)	.000	1	1.000	.018
Actors		.221	5	.999			3.03	5	.695
OL	14 (14,536)	.000	1	.999	8.5 × 10^4	20.2 (10,464)	.000	1	.998	5.6 × 10^8
Adherents	−1.9 (14,001)	.000	1	1.00	.142	2.6 (1.576)	2.77	1	.096	13.762
PL	14 (15,482)	.000	1	.999	1.4 × 10^6	2.4 (1.58)	2.19	1	.139	10.502
POL	15 (18,475)	.000	1	.999	2 × 10^6	−15.9 (5985)	.000	1	.998	.000
Prophets	−2.7 (14,001)	.000	1	1.00	.064	3.8 (2.461)	2.36	1	.124	44.017
Frames		3.42	10	.945			.000	10	.999
Morality	.77 (7301.8)	.000	1	1.00	2.169	17 (5429.8)	.000	1	.998	1.7 × 10^7
Conflict	−18 (6010.9)	.000	1	.998	.000	17 (11,088)	.000	1	.999	2.4 × 10^7
Economic	−1.2 (8180)	.000	1	1.00	.301	−6.5 (1.7)	14.5	1	.000*	.001
Educative	−16 (6010.9)	.000	1	.998	.000	−2.4 (1.298)	3.45	1	.063	.090
Conserve.	−18.7 (6010)	.000	1	.998	.000	−.89 (1.6)	.311	1	.577	.410
POP	−1.2 (10,784)	.000	1	1.00	.294	17 (8555)	.000	1	.998	2.5 × 10^7
Exclusivist	.47 (16,659)	.000	1	1.00	1.603	−2.2 (1.23)	3.33	1	.068	.106
Corrupt	.4 (11,671.9)	.000	1	1.00	1.492	16 (10,419)	.000	1	.999	2.1 × 10^7
SW	−18 (6010.9)	.000	1	.998	.000	16.6 (5429)	.000	1	.998	1.7 × 10^7
Respons.	36 (26,623)	.000	1	.999	4.9 × 10^15	17 (11,088)	.000	1	.999	2.4 × 10^7

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

As indicated in Table 4, sources of cultural development stories and cultural development actors did not have an impact on the choice of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 5.56, df = 6, p = .591), and (Wald = 1.03, df = 6, p = .984) source and story actors, respectively. However, frames had an impact on the choice of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 23, df = 10, p = .006). Besides, the conservative frame had an impact on cultural development story choices as the data showed (β = −4.2, SE = 1.44, Wald = 8.36, df = 1, p = .004, EXP (β) = .015). The finding also depicted that in Hintset magazine, sources of cultural development stories, cultural development actors, and dominant cultural development frames did not have an impact on the choice of cultural development stories (Wald = 1.03, df = 6, p = .984), (Wald = .000, df = 5, p = 1.000), and (Wald = 2.52, df = 10, p = .991).

Table 4. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on cultural development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		5.56	6	.591			1.03	6	.984
Sacred	−16 (28,415)	.000	1	1.000	.000	−1.8 (26,159)	.000	1	1.000	.159
Media	−16 (28,415)	.000	1	1.000	.000	14.6 (26,374)	.000	1	1.000	2.1 × 10^6
Celebrity	−18 (28,415)	.000	1	1.000	.000	−1.1 (26,159)	.000	1	1.000	.337
Adherents	−15 (28,415)	.000	1	1.000	.000	−.17 (26,159)	.000	1	1.000	.845
ROs	−17 (28,415)	.000	1	1.000	.000	14.9 (26,507)	.000	1	1.000	3.2 × 10^6
GOs	−37 (39,289)	.000	1	.999	.000	15.2 (28,040)	.000	1	1.000	3.9 × 10^9
Actors		3.27	5	.658			.000	5	1.000
OL	−.88 (2.66)	.108	1	.743	.417	−2.7 (13,870)	.000	1	1.000	.067
Adherents	−1.8 (2.68)	.459	1	.498	.163	−19 (10,715)	.000	1	.999	.000
PL	−2.6 (2.7)	.939	1	.333	.070	−2.3 (11,276)	.000	1	1.000	.099
POL	19 (12,043)	.000	1	.999	1.7 × 10^8	−21 (16,115)	.000	1	.999	.000
Prophets	16 (4797)	.000	1	.997	1.2 × 10^7	−1.3 (11,856)	.000	1	1.000	.285
Frames		23.0	10	.006*			2.52	10	.991
Morality	1.2 (1.09)	1.19	1	.274	3.279	18 (4783)	.000	1	.997	8.2 × 10^6
Conflict	19.6 (7258)	.000	1	.998	3.1 × 10^8	16.5 (8048)	.000	1	.998	1.4 × 10^7
Economic	1.5 (1.38)	1.25	1	.262	4.707	17.3 (9675)	.000	1	.999	3.2 × 10^7
Educative	1.09 (1.08)	1.03	1	.309	2.987	.13 (1.47)	.007	1	.932	1.135
Conserve.	−4.2 (1.44)	8.36	1	.004*	.015	−2.2 (1.509)	2.15	1	.142	.109
POP	−.14 (1.11)	.017	1	.897	.866	14.8 (7625)	.000	1	.998	2.6 × 10^6
Exclusivist	−.97 (1.4)	.471	1	.493	.378	17.3 (7313)	.000	1	.998	3.2 × 10^7
Corrupt	19 (11,331)	.000	1	.999	1.7 × 10^8	17.2 (6474)	.000	1	.998	2.9 × 10^7
SW	−.9 (.885)	1.07	1	.300	.399	17 (7539)	.000	1	.998	2.4 × 10^7
Responsib.	20 (28,415)	.000	1	.999	5.1 × 10^8	17.9 (5487)	.000	1	.997	5.6 × 10^7

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

The data in the above table disclosed that sources of historical development stories did not have an impact on the historical development story selections in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 2.84, df = 6, p = .899), and (Wald = 8.34, df = 6, p = .214) (Table 5). The story of historical development actors did not have an impact on the choice of historical development stories in Hintset magazine (Wald = 3.26, df = 5, p = .661). On the contrary, the story of historical development actors had an impact on the historical development story choices in Hamer magazine (Wald = 27.7, df = 5, p = .000). Dominant frames of historical development issues had a relationship with the choice of historical development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 33.6, df = 10, p = .000), and (Wald = 29.5, df = 10, p = .001) consecutively. More specifically, morality frame [β = 2.5, SE = .712, Wald = 12.6, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = 12.444), conflict frame [β = 3.5, SE = 1.37, Wald = 6.32, df = 1, p = .012, EXP(β) = 31.943], educative frame [β = 3.13, SE = .78, Wald = 16.1, df = 1, p = .000, EXP(β) = 22.925], and corruption frame (β = 2, SE = 1.003, Wald = 4.14, df = 1, p = .042, EXP(β) = 7.705] had impact on historical development story choices in Hamer magazine. Similarly, except for the conservative frame, all framing types an s influenced historical development choices in Hintset magazine.

Table 5. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on the historical development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		2.84	6	.899			8.34	6	.214
Sacred	3.1 (29,929)	.000	1	1.000	21.223	−16.7 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
Media	1.9 (29,930)	.000	1	1.000	6.428	−17.9 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
Celebrity	1.5 (34,078)	.000	1	1.000	4.509	−16.8 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
Adherents	2.4 (29,930)	.000	1	1.000	10.544	−18.2 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
ROs	2.2 (29,930)	.000	1	1.000	9.026	−17.9 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
GOs	23 (37,872)	.000	1	1.000	1.3 × 10^10	−18.9 (25,361)	.000	1	.999	.000
Actors		27.7	5	.000*			3.26	5	.661
OL	−22 (9812)	.000	1	.998	.000	−21 (12,423)	.000	1	.999	.000
Adherents	−19 (9812)	.000	1	.998	.000	−20.1 (12,423)	.000	1	.999	.000
PL	−19 (9812)	.000	1	.998	.000	−20.3 (12,423)	.000	1	.999	.000
POL	−24 (9812)	.000	1	.998	.000	−19.9 (12,423)	.000	1	.999	.000
Prophets	−22 (9812)	.000	1	.998	.000	−19.5 (12,423)	.000	1	.999	.000
Frames		33.6	10	.000*			29.5	10	.001*
Morality	2.5 (.712)	12.6	1	.000*	12.444	2.7 (.702)	14.8	1	.000*	14.901
Conflict	3.5 (1.37)	6.32	1	.012*	31.943	1.7 (.61)	8.03	1	.005*	5.628
Economic	22 (6581.6)	.000	1	.997	3.9 × 10^9	2.9 (1.11)	6.61	1	.010*	17.326
Educative	3.13 (.78)	16.1	1	.000*	22.925	2.1 (.712)	8.69	1	.003*	8.166
Conserve.	2.18 (1.58)	1.99	1	.169	8.838	.95 (.788)	1.45	1	.228	2.587
POP	−.5 (.932)	.296	1	.586	.602	2.8 (1.182)	6.01	1	.014*	18.158
Exclusivist	21 (14,782)	.000	1	.999	8.8 × 10^8	1.3 (.629)	4.26	1	.039*	3.666
Corruption	2 (1.003)	4.14	1	.042*	7.705	1.9 (.73)	7.04	1	.008*	6.942
SW	.07 (.628)	.014	1	.906	1.077	2.5 (.836)	8.94	1	.003*	12.165
Responsib.	18 (28,275)	.000	1	.999	9.9 × 10^7	1.5 (.541)	7.64	1	.006*	4.455

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

The data in the above table depicted those sources of moral development stories did not have an impact on the moral development story occurrences in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 10.3, df = 6, p = .170), and (Wald = 12.5, df = 6, p = .051) (Table 6). Nevertheless, moral development actors had an impact on the choice of moral development stories (Wald = 16.5, df = 5, p = .006). Specifically, EOTC leaders had an impact on the choice of moral development stories in Hamer magazine as [β = 3.7, SE = 1.46, Wald = 6.50, df = 1, p = .011, EXP (β) = 41.549]. Although story actors overall did not have an impact on the choice of moral development stories (Wald = 9.16, df = 5, p = .103), in Hintset magazine, Protestant religious leaders had an impact on the choice of moral development theories [β = 2.1, SE = .979, Wald = 4.65, df = 1, p = .03, EXP (β) = 8.253].

Table 6. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on moral development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		10.3	6	.170			12.5	6	.051
Sacred	−22 (23,685)	.000	1	.999	.000	−.94 (1.701)	.305	1	.581	.391
Media	−20 (23,685)	.000	1	.999	.000	−.03 (1.662)	.000	1	.987	.973
Celebrity	−1.2 (28,476)	.000	1	1.000	.310	.01 (1.787)	.000	1	.997	1.008
Adherents	−21 (23,685)	.000	1	.999	.000	.29 (1.692)	.031	1	.860	1.348
ROs	−22 (23,685)	.000	1	.999	.000	1.38 (1.75)	.623	1	.430	3.982
GOs	−22 (35,728)	.000	1	1.000	.000	−.01 (2.008)	.000	1	.998	.995
Actors		16.5	5	.006*			9.16	5	.103
OL	3.7 (1.46)	6.50	1	.011*	41.549	1.97 (1.415)	1.94	1	.163	7.195
Adherents	.87 (1.26)	.482	1	.488	2.396	1.35 (.927)	2.13	1	.145	3.861
PL	20.5 (7447)	.000	1	.998	8.2 × 10^10	2.1 (.979)	4.65	1	.03*	8.253
POL	21 (13,306)	.000	1	.999	20 × 10^8	19.7 (9592)	.000	1	.998	3.5 × 10^8
Prophets	.160 (1.32)	.015	1	.904	1.173	2.4 (1.03)	5.62	1	.018	11.485
Frames		21.5	10	.010*			38.8	10	.000*
Morality	−3.9 (1.108)	12.4	1	.000*	.020	−1.3 (.513)	6.05	1	.014*	.283
Conflict	−2.6 (1.25)	4.55	1	.033	.070	.8 (.86)	.875	1	.350	2.236
Economic	−2.8 (1.2)	5.51	1	.019	.059	−.12 (.793)	.022	1	.881	.888
Educative	18.2 (3987)	.000	1	.996	7.6 × 10^7	2.4 (.874)	7.25	1	.007*	10.520
Conserve.	17 (13,892)	.000	1	.999	2.1 × 10^7	1.5 (1.253)	1.36	1	.244	4.299
POP	16.9 (9250)	.000	1	.999	2.2 × 10^7	19.8 (8585)	.000	1	.998	4 × 10^8
Exclusivist	−1.9 (1.6)	1.41	1	.236	.151	1.7 (1.133)	2.25	1	.134	5.474
Corruption	−1.8 (1.56)	1.29	1	.257	.170	−1.6 (.609)	6.76	1	.009*	.205
SW	−2.7 (1.18)	5.10	1	.024*	.070	−.29 (.69	.178	1	.673	.747
Responsib.	24 (23,685)	.000	1	.999	2.7 × 10^10	.33 (.604)	.291	1	.590	1.385

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

Moral development frames had a relationship with moral development story selections in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 21.5, df = 10, p = .010) and (Wald = 38.8, df = 10, p = .000) in Hamer and Hintset magazines consecutively. As it can be seen from the above table, morality [β = −3.9, SE = 1.108, Wald = 12.4, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .020] and social work [β = −2.7, SE = 1.18, Wald = 5.10, df = 1, p = .024, EXP (β) = .070] frames had a relationship with the choice of moral development stories in Hamer magazine. Similarly, morality [β = 1.3, SE = −513, Wald = 6.05, df = 1, p = .014, EXP(β) = .283], educative [β = 2.4, SE = .874, Wald = 7.25, df = 1, p = .007, EXP(β) = 10.520], and corruption [β = −1.6, SE = .609, Wald = 6.76, p = .009, EXP(β) = .205] frames had influence on the exposure being moral development frames in Hintset magazine.

The finding in Table 7 depicted those sources of peace development stories did not have an impact on the choice of peace development stories in both studied magazines as the test showed that (Wald = 8.78, df = 6, p = .269) in Hamer, and (Wald = 4.28, df = 6, p = .639) in Hintset magazine.

Table 7. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on peace development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		8.78	6	.269			4.28	6	.639
Sacred	−21 (26,682)	.000	1	.999	.000	.487 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	1.628
Media	−20 (26,682)	.000	1	.999	.000	.145 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	1.156
Celebrity	−41 (27,328)	.000	1	.999	.000	−.58 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	.561
Adherents	−22 (26,682)	.000	1	.999	.000	−.07 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	.934
ROs	−20 (26,682)	.000	1	.999	.000	.23 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	1.260
GOs	−40 (35,362)	.000	1	.999	.000	2.1 (29,749)	.000	1	1.000	7.844
Actors		20.8	5	.001*			11.9	5	.036*
OL	2.77 (.944)	8.61	1	.003*	15.93	.82 (1.47)	.308	1	.579	2.260
Adherents	2.1 (.838)	6.35	1	.012*	8.27	.05 (1.26)	.002	1	.967	1.053
PL	.005 (.97)	.000	1	.996	1.005	−.53 (1.274)	.171	1	.679	.591
POL	1.1 (1.648)	.446	1	.504	3.006	−.01 (1.534)	.000	1	.996	.993
Prophets	4.06 (1.19)	11.6	1	.001*	57.758	−1.74 (1.32)	1.73	1	.189	.176
Frames		26.7	9	.002*			34.3	10	.000*
Morality	.55 (.590)	.874	1	.350	1.736	−.27 (.6)	.204	1	.651	.762
Conflict	−1.89 (.696)	7.44	1	.006*	.150	−2.95 (.67)	19.5	1	.000*	.052
Economic	19.7 (5905)	.000	1	.997	3.5 × 10^8	19.5 (10,481)	.000	1	.999	3 × 10^8
Educative	3.23 (1.13)	8.22	1	.004*	25.288	19.8 (5590)	.000	1	.997	3.8 × 10^8
Conserve.	40 (13,423)	.000	1	.998	2 × 10^7	−.69 (.942)	.539	1	.463	.501
POP	−.34 (.806)	.180	1	.671	.710	.71 (1.189)	.360	1	.548	2.041
Exclusivist	.895 (1.2)	.541	1	.462	2.448	−2.11 (.67)	9.95	1	.002*	.122
Corruption	20 (10,869)	.000	1	.999	3.5 × 10^8	−.113 (.7)	.026	1	.872	.893
SW	1.4 (.79)	2.96	1	.085	3.895	19.1 (8869)	.000	1	.998	2 × 10^8
Responsib.	20 (26,682)	.000	1	.999	4.3 × 10^8	−.69 (.61)	1.30	1	.254	.500

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

However, peace development story actors had an impact on the choice of peace development stories in both magazines since the data in the above table showed that (Wald = 20.8, df = 5, p = .001) in Hamer, and (Wald = 11.9, df = 5, p = .036) in Hintset magazine. Furthermore, EOTC leaders [β = 2.77, SE = .944, Wald = 8.61, df = 1, p = .003, EXP (β) = 15.93], adherents [β = 2.1, SE = .838, Wald = 6.35, df = 1, p = .012, EXP (β) = 8.27] and prophets [β = 4.06, SE = 1.19, Wald = 11.6, df = 1, p = .001, EXP (β) = 57.758] had influence on the choice of peace development stories in Hamer magazine.

Dominant frames had also influenced the choice of peace development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines (Wald = 26.7, df = 10, p = .002), and (Wald = 34.3, df = 10, p = .000) consecutively. Conflict [β = −1.89, SE = .696, Wald = 7.44, df = 1, p = .006, EXP (β) = .150] and educative [β = 3.23, SE = 1.13, Wald = 8.22, df = 1, p = .004, EXP (β) = 25.288] frames had impact on the choice of peace development stories in Hamer magazine, but other framing types did not. Similarly, conflict and exclusivist frames had an impact on the choice of peace development stories in Hintset magazines as the Wald test result revealed [β = −2.95, SE = .67, Wald = 19.5, df = 1, p = .000, EXP (β) = .052] in conflict frames, and (β = −2.11, SE = .67, Wald = 9.95, df = 1, p = .002, EXP (β) = .122] in exclusivist frames.

The result in the above table revealed that sources, story actors, and dominant natural resource development stories in both magazines (Table 8). Concerning source (Wald = .000, df = 6, p = 1.00) in Hamer, and (Wald = .000, df = 6, p = 1.000) in Hintset magazine. The natural resource development story actors’ result showed that (Wald = .000, df = 5, p = 1.000) in Hintset magazine. Similarly, dominant frames did not have an impact on the choice of natural resource development stories as (Wald = .000, df = 10, p = 1.000) in Hamer, and (Wald = .000, df = 10, p = 1.000) in Hintset magazines.

Table 8. Assessment of source, story actors, and dominant frames impact on natural resource development.

Variables	Hamer magazine					Hintset magazine
	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)	B (S.E.)	Wald	df	Sig	Exp(B)
Sources		.000	6	1.000			.000	6	1.000
Sacred	.8 (29,516.8)	.000	1	1.000	2.257	21.2 (4704)	.000	1	.996	1.6 × 10^9
Media	−15 (29,547)	.000	1	1.000	.000	21.2 (4359)	.000	1	.996	1.6 × 10^9
Celebrity	.93 (33,011)	.000	1	1.000	2.538	21.2 (9473)	.000	1	.998	1.6 × 10^9
Adherents	18 (29,688)	.000	1	1.000	6.8 × 10^7	21.2 (4385)	.000	1	.996	1.6 × 10^9
ROs	1.2 (29,647)	.000	1	1.000	3.443	21.2 (5469)	.000	1	.997	1.6 × 10^9
GOs	−14 (41,348)	.000	1	1.000	.000	21.2 (12,710)	.000	1	.999	1.6 × 10^9
Actors		.000	5	1.000			.000	5	1.000
OL	15 (13,048)	.000	1	.999	5.3 × 10^5	.000 (18,065)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Adherents	−.6 (12,447)	.000	1	1.000	.535	−16.1 (13,397)	.000	1	.999	.000
PL	13 (17,631)	.000	1	.999	499182	.000 (14,122)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
POL	.93 (18,641)	.000	1	1.000	2.542	.000 (17,172)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Prophets	−1 (13,456)	.000	1	1.000	.358	.000 (14,649)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Frames		.000	9	1.000			.000	10	1.000
Morality	−.4 (10,878)	.000	1	1.000	.663	.000 (8236)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Conflict	13 (12,442)	.000	1	.999	653508	.000 (9607)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Economic	−.8 (12,184)	.000	1	1.000	.462	.000 (12,403)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Educative	13 (10,932)	.000	1	.999	442429	.000 (8492)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Conserve.	−1.6 (18,748)	.000	1	1.000	.199	.000 (13,613)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
POP	14 (14,120)	.000	1	.999	1.4 × 10^4	.000 (11,323)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Exclusivist	−22 (10,471)	.000	1	.998	.000	.000 (10,742)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
Corruption	13 (13,671)	.000	1	.999	509800	.000 (10,152)	.000	1	1.000	1.000
SW	−2.9 (10,398)	.000	1	1.000	.052	−18.2 (6201)	.000	1	.998	.000
Responsib.	21 (28,533)	.000	1	.999	1 × 10^9	.000 (8879)	.000	1	1.000	1.000

The data in the above table showed that story actors and dominant frames had an impact on the choice of economic development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 15.3, df = 5, p = .009), and (Wald = 32.0, df = 10, p = .000) (Table 9). However, only dominant frames influenced the choice of economic development stories in Hintset magazine (Wald = 19.4, df = 10, p = .035). In social development stories, only dominant frames had an impact on the choice of social development stories in both magazines (Wald = 86.0, df = 10, p = .000) in Hamer, and (Wald = 57.6, df = 10, p = .000) in Hintset magazine.

Table 9. Assessment summary of sources, story actors, and dominant frames on Hamer and Hintset magazines development stories.

Types of development	Categorical variables	Hamer			Hintset
		Wald	df	Sig	Wald	df	Sig
Economic development	Sources	4.18	6	.759	4.27	6	.640
	Story actors	15.3	5	.009*	.913	5	.969
	Dominant frames	32.0	10	.000*	19.4	10	.035*
Social development	Sources	6.26	6	.509	9.69	6	.138
	Story actors	6.43	5	.266	1.68	5	.891
	Dominant frames	86.0	10	.000*	57.6	10	.000*
Political development	Sources	.968	6	.995	6.31	6	.389
	Story actors	.221	5	.999	3.03	5	.695
	Dominant frames	3.42	10	.945	.000	10	.999
Cultural development	Sources	5.56	6	.591	1.03	6	.984
	Story actors	3.27	5	.658	.000	5	1.000
	Dominant frames	23.0	10	.006*	2.52	10	.991
Historical development	Sources	2.84	6	.899	8.34	6	.214
	Story actors	27.7	5	.000*	3.26	5	.661
	Dominant frames	33.6	10	.000*	29.5	10	.001*
Moral development	Sources	10.3	6	.170	12.5	6	.051
	Story actors	16.5	5	.006*	9.16	5	.103
	Dominant frames	21.5	10	.010*	38.8	10	.000*
Peace development	Sources	8.78	6	.269	4.28	6	.639
	Story actors	20.8	5	.001*	11.9	5	.036*
	Dominant frames	26.7	10	.002*	34.3	10	.000*
Natural resource development	Sources	.000	6	1.000	.000	6	1.000
	Story actors	.000	5	1.000	.000	5	1.000
	Dominant frames	.000	10	1.000	.000	10	1.000

* Significant at 5% level of significance.

The result in the above table depicted that only dominant frames had an impact on the choice of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 23.0, df = 10, p = .006), whereas, in Hintset magazine, sources, story actors, and dominant frames did not influence the choice of cultural development stories.

The data also revealed that story actors and dominant frames influenced the choice of historical development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 27.7, df = 5, p = .000) story actors (Wald = 33.6, df = 10, p = .000) dominant frames, but only dominant frames impacted the choice of historical development frames in Hintset magazine (Wald = 29.5, df = 10, p = .001).

Story actors and dominant frames had an impact on the choice of moral development stories in Hamer magazine (Wald = 16.5, df = 5, p = .006), and (Wald = 21.5, df = 10, p = .010) actors and frames consecutively; however, in Hintset magazine, only dominant frames influenced the choice of moral development stories (Wald = 38.8, df = 10, p = .000).

Peace development stories had been influenced by story actors and dominant frames in both studied magazines. Specifically, story actors had an impact on the choice of peace development stories (Wald = 20.8, df = 5, p = .001) in Hamer, and (Wald = 11.9, df = 5, p = .036) in Hintset magazine. Dominant frames had also an impact on the choice of peace development stories in both magazines (Wald = 26.7, df = 10, p = .002) in Hamer, and (Wald = 34.3, df = 10, p = .000) in Hintset magazine.

Finally, natural resource development stories and political development stories had not been influenced by sources of stories, story actors, and dominant frames in both Hamer and Hintset magazines.

5. Discussion

The purpose of the current research was to examine the impact of sources, story actors, and types of sources in the choice of development types in the religious media context. It is worth noting that, giving the prevailing importance of certain types of development issues, the religious media have significant importance in addressing development issues for the target community.

Religious leaders’ advocacy can influence political leaders and ordinary citizens alike. Their teaching and guidance can inspire people to new responsibility, commitment, and public service levels. And by their example, they can promote interfaith dialogue and bridge the chasms of ignorance and misunderstanding (Annan, 2005).

The finding showed that content like bad working habits, wrongdoings, immoral acts, etc., were presented in two directions (from believers to leaders and Vis versa). For instance, in Hintset magazines, audiences are content producers and columnists. In Hamer, an opinion column has been given for the audience to forward their view, and volunteers also produce content as there are free rooms for participation.

The finding from Hamer magazine evidenced that the teaching of the Geez language (indigenous) has been taken as a key to success. The finding disclosed that adherents were grassroots participants being the source, story actors, or producers in this research context. The finding also showed that content like bad working habits, wrongdoings, immoral acts, etc., were presented in two directions (from believers to leaders and Vis versa). For instance, in Hintset magazines, audiences are content producers and columnists. In Hamer, an opinion column has been given for the audience to forward their view, and volunteers also produce content as there are free rooms for participation. The idea of grassroots support in the improvement cycle has become a key thought. The function of mass communication here was to limit the information between the information-rich and the information poor.

The finding reinforced that some sources impacted the choice of development story types while others did not. Hence, adherents were the most frequent economic development sources in both magazines. Sources of development stories did not impact the choice of economic development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines. Economic development stories sources did not have any relationship between years of publication. Because not all sources are not necessarily going to frame a story in the same way, professionals often find themselves engaged in frame contests with other sources who are also seeking their favoured treatment of a story (Ryan, 1991).

Correspondingly, sources attempt to influence the issue agenda and media content by sharing information to journalists’ needs. Source organizations time the release of information to meet or avoid the deadlines of news organizations (Blyskal & Blyskal, 1985). Dramatic events may be staged to draw media attention (Blyskal & Blyskal, 1985). Sources provide the raw material to produce news through press releases, spokespersons, videotapes, and satellite feeds (Berkowitz & Adams, 1990). Because not all sources are not necessarily going to frame a story in the same way, professionals often find themselves engaged in frame contests with other sources who are also seeking their favoured treatment of a story (Ryan, 1991). The corporate agenda most often is located in studies regarding source influences on the media agenda.

The finding revealed that both studied magazines identified EOTC Leaders, Adherents, Protestant leaders, Political leaders, and Prophets as development storey actors. The findings in Hintset magazine showed that except for the editor, columnists are volunteers, but in Hamer, columnists are professionals and have very few volunteers. It showed that audiences have been participating in producing articles as volunteers. There has been mutual understanding and active participation as sources, story actors, and producers of development stories. Voluntary participation has strength, though it generates difficulties in achieving and maintaining a common vision, goal, and quality of communication (Lehikoinen, 2003).

Religious communication is based on the core vision of the community and is a community-building project (Lehikoinen, 2003). Voluntary work and grassroots involvement are some of the tents of religious communication. Religious media communications may not be completely professional but require voluntary work. This volunteer staff is a perpetual characteristic of religious media communication. The alternative development theorists also stress the cooperation of the individuals at the grassroots (Etana, 2014)

The finding showed that audiences have been participating in producing articles as volunteers. There has been mutual understanding and active participation as sources, story actors, and producers of development stories. The result in Hintset demonstrated except for the editor in chief other participants have been volunteers. Likewise, Dacheux (1999) places the concept of participation at the center of relational communication and defines it as a social, voluntary, united, and free act. Participation does not result from meeting financial interests but from the convergence of desires for justice and happiness. Then, it teaches us that participation cannot be imposed by any authority but results from an individual decision. It is based on ‘the will to act’. This desire is mainly motivated by three elements: esteem and confidence in oneself, esteem and confidence in others, and interest in the project (Dacheux, 1999). We therefore only take part in action if we derive our share of interest from it. But this interest is not financial. It is ideological, psychological, and social. Through the exchange of knowledge, this social process leads to awareness-raising, which frees individuals and thus invites them to define their own needs and implement actions to satisfy them.

The finding revealed peace development story actors were religious leaders. Peace is a prerequisite for development and reduces conflict; the national religious leaders are key actors to advocate for peace. Similarly, religious leaders were considered a means and end of peace development. They implement two types of participation: participation as a means to achieve an end approach and participation as an end in itself approach (Melkote & Steeves, 2001). In the first approach, participation is just a means to achieve already set development goals. It is, in fact, the social marketing of programs or development projects that are almost cast in stone. Communication is bidirectional but asymmetric. On the other hand, the second participatory approach takes great account of cultural identity, the needs, experiences, and contributions of local populations in the extension, implementation, and evaluation of development programs (peace settlement) and their design and preparation. Participation here is not a simple means but an end in itself.

The finding showed that story actors also impacted the choice of economic development stories in Hamer but not in Hintset magazines. Alternative conceptions of development as economic growth approaches incorporate various factors like health, education, trade, children, food insecurity, water, and refugees have been elaborated. Development actors also vary as different institutions, individuals, and organizations ranging from the World Bank to grassroots-based NGOs began to address the non-material needs in development (Melkote & Steeves, 2001).

Framing concepts have been employed in various ways to explain the structuring of messages and the differential responses that can result. In some instances, framing involves defining a scene or situation in which individuals interact. Elsewhere, framing entails messages that focus selectively on key characteristics of a cause, candidate, product, or service. The central idea that links the models of framing is contextualization. Framing puts information into a context and establishes frames of reference so people can evaluate information, comprehend meanings, and take action, if appropriate. Indeed, the message must be imbued with sufficient clues so that people can make sense of the message and be persuasive.

The finding showed that eleven kinds of frames with different occurrences had been found. Those were morality, conflict, economic, educative, conservative, political, exclusivist, corruption, social work, human interest, and responsibility frames. A problems-exclusivist frame usually measured in terms of cultural values diagnoses causes identify the forces creating the problem. Conflict frames make moral judgments, morality frames; evaluate causal agents and their effects, economic consequence frames; suggest remedies, attributions responsibility frames; offer and justify treatments for the problem and predict their likely effects (Entman, 1993).

The finding indicated that many moral development issues were found in Hamer than Hintset. The ‘morality’ frame gives prominence to an issue’s religious or moral implications or indicates how they should behave to a group or an individual. The most frequent frames were sharing resources, ideas, values, and thoughts.

Though the strength of a frame depends on varied factors, frequency, accessibility, and relevance are dominant types. Frequency is defined as the number of times and several media companies in which a frame is repeated: the greater the frequency, the greater the force. The strength of a frame tends to be greater when it focuses on considerations accessible to individuals who have already been exposed to the frame and have understood it beforehand. Accessibility and repetition are, in turn, strongly imbricated because the accessibility of a message improves with repetition (Chong & Druckman, 2007). Another factor related to the strength of a frame is its relevance: a frame that speaks of the core of the matter will be stronger than those that speak of peripheral issues (Chong & Druckman, 2007).

Both religious magazines covered natural resource management issues scarcely and framed economically. The finding showed that Hamer framed the climate issue as an economic consequence. It confirmed that EOTC could get income by selling carbon trade. It is known that the media can influence public opinion and social policy about significant social matters. The media’s attention on the economy and climate change awareness is thus obligatory, and how it is framed has implications for public perception and policymaking (Shanahan, 2009). Even though coverage of climate change in non-industrialized countries is increasing, the salience of reporting does not match the scale of the problem (Anderson, 2010).

The study demonstrated that the studied magazines used conflict and exclusivist frames significantly. Framing can also be employed to structure how individuals think about choices and alternative courses of action that they might use to attain goals. Similarly, framing can define issues favourable to religious institutions in disputes and attribute responsibility for actions, issues, or social problems.

The finding revealed that peace development or conflict resolution between adherents, interreligious leaders, and inter-religious groups is the salience of conflict frame in religious magazines even if Hintset advised that EOTC religious leaders’ conflict ought to be solved. The ‘conflict’ frame presents the issue from the polarization and confrontation of individuals or social groups, sometimes using a language of war or games and competitions. Framing of negative consequences (conflict, corruption, exclusivist, political power) appears to have a greater persuasive impact than framing that emphasizes positive consequences (social work, responsibility, human interest) (Block & Keller, 1995). However, Maheswaran and Meyers-Levy (1990) found that positively framed messages might be more persuasive when people engage in a little detailed processing of messages. Negative framing of actions only applies when people engage in higher levels of cognitive elaboration. Smith and Petty (1996) suggested that, although the presence of negatively framed arguments might prompt more elaborate message processing, the effects also might be moderated by an individual’s expectations about the type of framing found in a persuasive message.

The finding showed that peace development stories had been influenced by story actors and dominant types of frames in both studied magazines. Only dominant types of frames impacted the choice of social development stories in both magazines. The interpretation of social facts and the development of a discursive model by the individual derive from a negotiation process between prior social knowledge and new information to which the individual is exposed. Framing would act by reducing the role played by this prior knowledge in the construction of the interpretation and the attribution of meaning. Individuals integrate and remember information better when it is consistent with their knowledge and interpretive schemas (Rhee, 2007).

Types of frames impacted the choice of economic and social development stories in both Hamer and Hintset magazines. Similarly, framing has been used to examine people’s judgments of the fairness of allocating economic resources and social conflicts about environmental and public health risks (Vaughan & Seifert, 1992). Framing also plays a pivotal role in defining social problems and the attendant moral actions in dealing with them (Gergen, 1992).

Peace development stories had been influenced by story actors and dominant types of frames in both studied magazines. Similarly, Wallack et al. (1993) observed that Americans frame issues to portray the overall social system as fundamentally sound and prefer to attribute problems to corrupt, inept, or irresponsible individuals. The result ignores systemic problems related to the social organization or societal resources available to deal with a problem. As a result, events that might have been prevented through intervention are dismissed later as accidents due to human error.

Natural resource development stories and political development stories had not been influenced by sources of stories, story actors, and dominant types of frames in both Hamer and Hintset magazines.

Types of frames impacted the choice of economic, historical, and moral development stories though only dominant types of frames impacted the choice of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine. It could be argued that framing is not merely useful but is essential to religious communication. Religious communicators fundamentally operate as frame strategists who strive to determine how situations, attributes, choices, actions, issues, and responsibility should be posed to achieve favourable outcomes for adherents. Framing also provides the foundation for choosing images and other framing devices that can be used to dramatize and reinforce key ideas. Finally, framing provides the basis for how people should be asked to evaluate information, make choices, or take action.

Framing has been used as a paradigm for understanding and investigating communication and related behaviour in various disciplines to make judgments and draw inferences about the world around them. Moreover, framing phenomena operate across levels of analysis, making framing theory applicable at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, group, organizational, inter-organizational, and societal levels in which religious communication influence attempts operate (McLeod et al., 1994; Pan & McLeod, 1991).

To frame is to select some aspects of perceived reality which is legitimate and make them more salient in the communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation for the item described (Entman, 1993).

6. Conclusion

This article empirically explored how development issues, information sources, story actors, and dominant types of frames were treated as they have been from different ideological backgrounds. Moreover, the media owner’s ideology differences, the priority of their agenda, selection, and prominence of issues affected the choice of development content in the studied magazines. Hence, Hamer prioritizes adherents’ cognitive development, whereas Hintset targets moral development.

By placing varying degrees of emphasis, religious media influenced the importance of particular issue attributes as dimensions of development issues. Hence, the religious press played a crucial role in indirectly shaping public opinions for a wide variety of development issues on a day-to-day basis, especially in communities with a limited number of media outlets for citizens to choose from.

The findings of the study and the discussions conclude that the content analysis of the study focused on identifying the patterns of development issues coverage through quantitative and qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis. As a result, it was observed that the significant differences in the representations were diverse in combinations of variables but evident. Essentially, the two religious magazines portrayed the development stories differently regarding the selections of sources, story actors, and dominant types of frames.

Framing is a potentially helpful paradigm for examining religious communications. Story actors and dominant types of frames impacted the choice of economic, historical, and moral development stories though only dominant types of frames had an impact on the choice of cultural development stories in Hamer magazine. Dominant types of frames impacted the choice of economic, historical, and moral development frames in Hintset magazine. Peace development stories had been influenced by story actors and dominant types of frames in both studied magazines. Only dominant types of frames impacted the choice of social development stories in both magazines. Finally, both magazines did not influence natural resource development stories and political development stories by sources, story actors, and dominant types of frames.

Informed consent

This article does not contain any studies with human participants performed by any of the authors.

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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Negesse Belay Gessese

Negesse Belay Gessese currently is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Journalism and Communication and PhD in Media and Communication Studies, Bahir Dar University. Negesse conducts research in both quantitative and qualitative Communication and Media Studies covering public relations, religious communication, development communication, Social, and political communication are among others. Publications have appeared in Palgrave Communication- Humanities and Social Science communications, Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations (RJCPR), Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics (BJLL), the Asian TEFL, Heliyon, and other outlets.