Social media and human development in Zimbabwe: opportunities and challenges

Abstract

This article employs the concepts of human development and social media as an open space/public sphere to frame the nexus between media and development. It seeks to answer questions, particularly on how human development can be facilitated and enhanced by social media through increasing citizen participation in the governance process and enhancing media expression in a media-constrained and politically restrictive environment. Tracing social media’s coverage of some key political and social events in Zimbabwe, this article provides insights into how social media has contributed to the governance process by offering the public with significant opportunities to ‘interact’ with the authorities and other developmental stakeholders, and bettering media expression. The paper concludes that social media has enhanced how and when people articulate issues, thereby proactively contributing to the governance process and media expression. Considering the ways the digital era has transformed the governance process, it needs to be earnestly harnessed. Albeit its weaknesses, social media presents the citizens with visible and enhanced opportunities to participate in issues critical to the socio-economic and political development of the citizens.

Keywords:

• Social media
• human development
• media expression
• citizen participation
• governance
• Zimbabwe

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Lincoln Geraghty
• School of Media and Performing Arts, University of Portsmouth
• Portsmouth, UK

SUBJECTS:

• Political Studies
• Sociology
• Media & Film Studies

Introduction

This article is based on the premise that for quite long, traditional media (radio, television and newspapers) has occupied a dominant and leading role in the creation of content, its dissemination, watchdog functions, educating the public, entertainment, persuasion, mediating between the government and the public and/or opposition parties, fostering peace and shaping public opinion, among other duties. However, this has changed with the advent of social media- defined as a group of internet-based applications that allow the creation and exchange of user-created content (Tisone & Goodell, 2012). With social media, it has been noted that anyone can break news, and potentially alter public opinion, pioneering and advocating change, and stimulate debate. It is the openness of social media that allows it to contribute to human development through offering ‘unrestricted’ opportunities for engagement and debate. In addition, how media contributes to human development is a relatively novel area that needs research, especially in developing societies.

Before the advent of social media, the domineering role of the radio, television and newspapers in shaping public opinion was indisputable. There were relatively few media outlets for particularly the broadcast media. Despite this, their programming was able to reach broad audiences, and, therefore, that programming held significant influence over the public agenda (Feezell, 2018, p. 482). Media influence has grown rapidly with the advance of technology, evolving from print to radio, to television (TV) and now online (Carroll, 2011; Kamp, 2016, p. 1). Modern tools such as mobile phones and text messaging and social media networks offer new and alternative channels to spread information fast, and are catalysts for political action among young people.

The Fourth Industrial Revolution is now in our midst. The world has gone digital and change is being driven by technology. The vast and rapid changes in information and communication technology (ICT) are evident in the birth of terms such as ‘information age’ or ‘digital age.’ Artificial intelligence has added another seemingly complex dimension to the communications revolution. The transformation of the media in the 21st century is accelerating because of the digitisation of content and its global distribution over digital platforms to digital devices. This digital transformation supplements, and at times bypasses traditional models and platforms by introducing two-way, bottom-up, and lateral content distribution and production with new devices (Locksley, 2009, p. 2). Technology has dramatically changed the way we live and the way we relate to one another (Kuss, 2017, p. 141). The Russo-Ukrainian war that commenced in February 2022 even underlined the importance of technology in shaping the conduct of conflict. It highlighted how fifth generation (5 G) mobile technologies, the social media revolution, artificial intelligence, and the greater affordability of drones have changed warfare. The conflict also demonstrated a move away from static, curated intelligence to real-time gathering through social media (Institute for Economics & Peace, 2022, p. 3). Social media changed the way intelligence is gathered. Ukrainians used Meta to crowd source data on Russian troop movements. Intelligence was also shared instantaneously, raw and with little analysis (Institute for Economics & Peace, 2022, p. 5).

In the present media environment, referred to as a media saturated, technologically dependent, and globally connected world by Kellner and Share (2007, p. 59), there are far more media sources, allowing for the tailoring of media consumption to suit individual audience members’ interests (Feezell, 2018, p. 482). The technological advancements in the area of ICT have helped overcome limitations of time and space in communication, information sharing and networking (Kamp, 2016, p. 1). Moreover, this has threatened the long-held ability of the mass media to shape the public agenda (Feezell, 2018, p. 482; Kwansah-Aidoo, 2005, p. 41). The growing use of social media in both developed and developing countries has exposed new gaps in agenda-setting, media expression and the process of governance.

Digitalisation is a societal transformation process that uses ubiquitous digital technologies to connect ever-larger social spaces. Digital technologies are ubiquitous as suggested by their impact on a range of industries and sectors as diverse as agriculture, manufacturing, health, retail, or tourism (Trittin-Ulbrich et al., 2021, p. 10–12). As demonstrated by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in late 2019 and the forced move to ‘working from home’, it is imperative that we have to come to terms with digital technologies (Trittin-Ulbrich et al., 2021, p. 10–12). Almost every aspect of life has been affected, from interacting, teaching and learning, researching, writing and publishing. Digital technologies have a dark side too. Crime such as attacks against computer hardware and software, online fraud, penetration of online financial services, phishing, violence, terrorism and child sexual exploitation is growing on digital platforms as criminals are making use of the speed, convenience and anonymity of the cyber space to commit various crimes (Mugari, 2020; Mugejo, 2017). It has therefore been argued that sometimes new technologies pose problems to the limits of freedom of expression. This mainly happens through cyberbullying (Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, misogyny, racism) and the spread of false information.

Despite its dark side, digitalisation has introduced new platforms for communication, which represent a host of opportunities for freedom of expression (Carlsson & Weibull, 2018). For example, the connection between free communication on Facebook, YouTube and Twitter (now X), and the occupation of urban space created a hybrid public space of freedom that became a major feature of the Tunisian rebellion in 2011 (Castells, 2012, p. 23). The internet made possible the viral diffusion of videos, messages and songs that incited rage and gave hope (Castells, 2012, p. 28).

Digital technology has therefore democratised the public sphere. This technology has made the dissemination of information easier and wider. It is important for the citizens to be able to express their views and communicate with each other in the public sphere without hindrance (Carlsson & Weibull, 2018). The increase in visible social movements on social media have led to assertions that people are empowered to engage in communicative action online (Kruse et al., 2018, p. 65). This has revitalised the aspect of the public sphere defined by Habermas (1989, 1991), quoted by Kruse et al. (2018) as a place where ‘private people come together as a public’ for the purpose of using reason to further critical knowledge which, in turn, leads to political change. We argue that the internet and social media sites represent public spheres in Africa in terms of creating new and unique opportunities for public interaction, networking and information sharing. This makes them important in advancing human development.

It is therefore the aim of this article to investigate the opportunities offered to human development by digitalisation in general and social media in particular in a constrained media environment and politically less tolerant country. The article seeks to answer two key questions, (1) What is the role of social media in advancing human development?, and (2) What are the limitations of social media in advancing human development? This study on media expression and citizen participation in the age of social media using the case of Zimbabwe has the potential to add knowledge to the impact made by social media in opening up democratic and media space in order to enhance human development. The Digital 2022 report recorded that there were 4.65 million internet users in Zimbabwe in January 2022 and 1.55 million social media users, which translates to 10.2 percent of the total population (Kemp, 2022). While these figures seem technically insignificant, the bottom line is how these netizens can alter the opinion and decisions of the other citizens and those in power. It is a possible for a handful to make change. Moreover, social media is a key source of information for citizens and activists in Zimbabwe. The information disseminated and received can positively impact on human development as illustrated in this paper.

This article is divided into three broad sections. The initial one addresses the utility of the methodology used. The article then proceeds to discuss the potentialities of social media in enhancing human development, particularly citizen participation in the governance process. The last section focuses on the aspects that have hindered social media from fully realising its potential as a vibrant platform that can be used by individuals and communities to raise public awareness and partake in debates on political issues in the country. The article concludes that like any form of media, social media is prone to abuse and manipulation but this should not divert us from the bigger picture. It can be gleaned that social media has ushered in new and innovative ways of citizen participation in the affairs of their countries. It is in this context that social media can contribute to human development.

Methodology

The aim of this study is to examine the relevance or suitability of social media in augmenting human development. In this endeavour, the article used the qualitative research method of desk research in gathering information. This entailed conducting a comprehensive review of academic literature and policy reports, and grey literature that discusses the development and evolution of social media, and how it has contributed to community development across the globe. Internet-based information was important in analysing how social media, particularly Facebook, YouTube and WhatsApp was fundamental in giving alternative voices to the citizens who lived in a media and politically constrained environment. These platforms were selected because they are among the most common social media platforms used in Zimbabwe. Social media demonstrated its utility in opening up the democratic space in the country. The examples used in this study were purposively selected based on their relevance to the study. Content analysis was used to analyse data, especially in comprehending how social media has enhanced the citizens to become active participants in the country’s governance process. Desk research was also useful in exemplifying how traditional media, despite the presence of social media, remains pivotal in human development processes. It should therefore be noted that both traditional media and social media are significant in shaping public opinion through the articulation of important socio-economic and political issues. However, social media has added a useful dimension to this endeavour through its innovative and flexible ways of content creation and information dissemination.

Conceptualising social media and human development

The concept of development worldwide has been approached and defined in many ways. Quoting Sein and Harindranath (2004), Nicholson et al. (2016) highlighted that debate on the meaning of development in the ICT for development literature has centred around three main discourses, namely: modernisation, dependency and human development. Social media and human development denotes the ways in which social media may be used to raise the capabilities of people to better and more effectively improve their livelihoods (i.e. development purpose) as well as to exercise their civil and political rights (i.e. advocacy purpose) (Nicholson et al., 2016, p. 358). In this article, social media and human development represents the use of social media by Zimbabweans to proactively contribute to the governance process through highlighting issues of common concern such as corruption, unemployment, inflation, poverty, rule of law and human rights, to mention a few. Although many of these concerns remain unresolved, social media has opened an array of opportunities for debate, interaction and reflection.

The relationship between the media and development is well-established. A healthy media sector contributes to better development (Khalid et al., 2015; Susman-Peña, 2012). The creation and dissemination of knowledge are key factors in the development process where the media has been instrumental as a means of storing and sharing knowledge (Locksley, 2009, p. 2). The media is a significant driver of growth in many economies. The business of producing content generates substantial income flows and jobs that contribute directly to the economy. Increased access to knowledge spurs higher levels of literacy, which strengthens human capital for higher productivity. The media is also important contributors to social and cultural life and key components of democratic structures (Locksley, 2009, p. 2). It is important to note that the real influence of the media on national development depends on the media themselves, the environment in which they operate, and the audience they reach (Khalid et al., 2015, p. 47). And none of these factors are the same everywhere, at all times, or all conditions. For example, partisan media and the media in dictatorships is not likely to exercise the same influence as the one in democratic societies (Khalid et al., 2015, p. 47). Such constraints mean social media can alternatively be used by the public to articulate and disseminate information most likely to transform lives.

Human development through media expression and citizen participation

We are highlighting that social media was used by Zimbabweans who lived in a media-constrained environment and a politically hostile country. This can be seen in incidences such as violations of press freedom, victimisation of journalists, politically-motivated arrests and violence, abductions and suppression of demonstrations, to name a few. The World Press Freedom Index for 2022 ranked Zimbabwe on 137th position out of 180 countries. The Reporters Without Borders report noted that extremely harsh laws were still in effect, and when new laws were adopted, their provisions were just as draconian as those they replaced (Media Institute of Southern Africa, 2022). The 2023 index put Zimbabwe on position 126. This was a slight improvement, moving eleven places up from 137th position in 2022. But the major challenge remained: the authorities interventions in editorial decisions. Failure by the media to report effectively was linked to the media architecture in which all licensed private TV and radio stations had links with the ruling ZANU PF and government. More so, newly licensed community radio stations lacked capacity and were barred from reporting on politics, including elections (Mukundu, 2023). This severely restricted diversity in the media industry.

Amid the challenges cited above, the use of social media was useful not only in registering displeasure with the prevailing economic and political conditions in the country but to stimulate debate on what could be done to help the country move forward. It was also used to get diverse, fresh and allegedly non-partisan information. People took especially to WhatsApp, YouTube, Twitter and Facebook to discuss the various issues affecting their communities and the country at large. The advantages offered by social media in doing this are articulated below.

Social media promotes participatory cultures

Media polarisation has been a constant feature of the media landscape in Zimbabwe. Mabweazara Mawindi (2011, p. 100) observed that the Zimbabwean press is characterised by a marked polarity between the state-controlled ‘public press’ and ‘the independent press.’ As a result of polarisation, state-instigated violence that happens during election periods is normally played down by the public media (Munoriyarwa, 2020, p. 69). However, with digitalisation traditional media can no longer claim monopoly over information dissemination for it is now in the hands of almost every person with the right tools. It no longer needs traditional media alone to create what the public thinks is important. With social media, people create and disseminate information as and when they like. In situations of disasters, this might necessitate timely interventions so useful in either alleviating suffering or raising public awareness. Anyone who declines to embrace social media will do that at their own peril (Mangwana, 2017). If it means real-time reporting can necessitate timely interventions, the contribution of social media to political, socio-economic and cultural development is apparent.

Constrained media space in Zimbabwe previously hindered people from fully expressing their views and participating in governance issues. However, the creation of particularly Facebook in 2004 and Twitter in 2005 gave the citizens (particularly urbanites) an array of choices in articulating and sharing information with a bearing on national security such as corruption, violence, poverty, health and service delivery, to mention but a few. Social media enabled the citizens to freely express themselves and permitted the citizens to occupy active roles in enunciating issues critical to personal, community and national development. It has been argued that there is robust link between a free, strong, and independent press and reduced corruption. A free press exposes corruption in the private and public sectors. It monitors government officials and increases voters’ knowledge, allowing voters to hold corrupt politicians accountable during elections, causing politicians to reduce corruption (Media Development Investment Fund, n.d., p. 2). Social media, including traditional media can therefore lead to good governance by monitoring the actions of those in power and alerting the public to corruption or abuse of trust (Media Development Investment Fund, n.d., p. 3).

While security sector brutality is a well-documented phenomenon in Zimbabwe, social media contributed to that debate by disseminating information in real-time. Police brutality, for example, reflected on the bigger political picture whereby the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)-led government relied on state apparatus to maintain its hold onto power. The security forces mainly worked to promote the interests of ZANU PF at the expense of maintaining law and order and protecting and securing the lives and property of the people, among other duties as contained in the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Mutanda, 2019). The police used the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) to undermine the activities of the opposition parties and civic society (Mutanda, 2019). POSA was ‘abolished’ during President Mnangagwa’s reign (2017-) only to be replaced by the almost identical Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (MOPA). POSA, just like MOPA, was applied by law enforcement agencies to thwart dissent and block any public gathering by opposing individuals or organisations. Civil society organisations such as the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) remarked that such changes were largely cosmetic and simply a rebranding exercise (Vinga, 2022). Similarly, AIPPA was repealed by Section 41 of the Freedom of Information Act which was gazetted and became law on the 1st July 2020.

In the presence of undemocratic political and media space, social media gave rise to the citizen journalist. This means traditional media can no longer monopolise content creation and its dissemination. In 2017, pictures of an old lady (62 years) in Chitungwiza kneeling and raising her hands in surrender as police officers assaulted her with baton sticks went viral on social media after the incident had been captured by the citizens (Zhangazha, 2017). One cannot therefore undermine the contribution social media in participating in information production and dissemination. There were many reported cases of human rights abuses under the ZANU PF regime. Social media proved significant in timeously revealing the political challenges faced by the nation, and in providing platforms for discussion. More often than not, no corrective measures were taken after the exposures by social media. The regime made no significant effort to halt these abuses as evidenced by the violations that followed the 2018 elections (Civicus, 2018). Questions will be asked if it is enough to expose if no remedial/corrective actions follow. The point is that we as social scientists largely argue from a theoretical perspective in order to encourage the authorities and other relevant stakeholders to take action. In terms of information acquisition, we are uncontrolled sources of information that can be used by intelligence sources for national and human security. Such information can enhance good governance/human development.

Unlike broadcast, print, or cinematic media, today’s digital media afford what have been called ‘participatory cultures’. This means digital media allow a degree of agency previously unexperienced, together with the ease for an ‘audience’ to author, remix and remake popular culture themselves (Cho, 2020, p. 6). Social media has increased the capacity (agency) of the citizens to articulate issues. Human development cannot take place in an environment where the media cannot freely operate and where people are not able to freely express their views. Social media thus contributes to the governance process through enhancing political participation by the citizens and increasing government capacity to deliver public services. Young and first time voters are also reached through social media (Lallana, 2015, p. 47–49). How social media engenders good governance is apparent in the comments given by the public on social media posts. In the past, when such spaces did not exist, it was difficult to express one’s views on particular issues of community and national concern.

Media expression has been enhanced by social media as demonstrated by the rallies held by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Alliance presidential candidate Nelson Chamisa in the 2018 elections. The same applies to the political activities of the newly formed Citizens Coalition for Change led by Nelson Chamisa. The bulk of his countrywide rallies were streamed and circulated on social media sites. This was how those with compatible gadgets and connectivity got access to what was happening in spite of the reluctance by state-controlled Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers) or the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation networks and its affiliates to give coverage to the opposition’s political activities. On July 4, 2018, Chamisa addressed the media in relation to the MDC’s concerns on the conduct of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). The event was streamed live on Facebook and those with internet access did not need to wait for the next day’s paper to know what he said. This power of social media to provide real-time reporting and quick circulation of information is critical, mainly in environments with media polarisation and political restrictions. The use of social media in this case did not only benefit political parties but the public which was starved of information for many decades. Many people could now participate in political debates with little restrictions. But there is no evidence to suggest that the use of social media by political parties helped in galvanising the electorate through enhanced political participation.

In the aftermath of the July 30, 2018, harmonised elections, soldiers allegedly beat up people in some of Harare’s residential areas and in Chitungwiza. The netizens used social media to capture the images and videos of marauding people dressed on army uniform. The alleged soldiers invaded drinking spots at night and started beating up revellers (New Zimbabwe, 2018). Social media was instrumental in publicising the brutality of the alleged security forces. This forced the government to claim that the assaulters were probably criminals who were impersonating serving members of the military (New Zimbabwe, 2018). Although this narrative is difficult to believe, the truth is that ZANU PF, like any other political party, cares about its image and reputation. Through social media, the citizens were also able to demonstrate the nature and effects of the 2018 post-election violence. The agenda was set that the military was keen to see the retention of power by ZANU PF. The ability of social media to capture events as they happen and sharing them to multitudes of people is important in raising public awareness. In this sense, social media brought a paradigm shift in the information and publicity industry through reporting issues in real-time (AllAfrica, 2018). The killing of an opposition supporter in Harare in 2023 was captured on video giving the police ample evidence to arrest the 19 culprits (Mukundu, 2023). Because of its capacity to reach a large audience, social media has the potential to shape attitudes and mindsets (Mangwana, 2017).

In the August 2023 harmonised elections, Zimbabweans formed numerous groups on social media and messaging platforms to support their preferred political parties and candidates. In some instances and a first for some communities, citizens formed joint ruling party and opposition party information sharing groups mostly on WhatsApp, debating politics and promoting their views (Mukundu, 2023).

Social media calls the authorities to action because it is primarily proactive

It has been observed that social media can help the citizens explore new and alternative ways of cooperation and collective action. It provides opportunities for mobilising people around a common cause or for sensitising the public on specific issues. Unlike traditional media, social media is an open space, potentially giving every individual a means to directly reach out to the public (Kamp, 2016, p. 1) and the authorities. In the ZANU PF primary elections that were held prior to the harmonised elections of 2018, Mbare residents protested on Facebook against the incumbent Member of Parliament, Tendai Savanhu. Savanhu was allegedly using dirty tricks at the polling stations such as delaying the arrival of ballot papers and also making sure that they came in short numbers against the crowd that was waiting to vote. In other parts of the country, ZANU PF voters used social media to expose the irregularities in the party’s primary elections (AllAfrica, 2018). The public protested through posting messages and images that showed how the rigging was being done. One can say digital protests were effective because some of the concrete evidence brought forward by the citizens forced the ruling party to order a re-run of the primaries in various constituencies (AllAfrica, 2018). Seen from this perspective, social media has the potential to change a wide variety of management practices in non-profit and public organisations (Campbell et al., 2014, p. 655). There is a nexus between media development and government responsiveness (Media Development Investment Fund, n.d., p. 4).

In September 2017, messages circulating on WhatsApp in Zimbabwe predicted a return to 2008 level of basic goods shortages. The users alleged that the country had slipped back to the hyperinflationary days of 2008. This resulted in panic buying, which in turn led to temporary shortages and price hikes (Sengere, 2017; The Herald, 2017). In response, government warned that those who abused social media to peddle false information risked arrest (The Herald, 2017). Policy makers are sometimes forced to respond to social media in order to avert perceived disasters as the one mentioned here. Social media raises important issues but sometimes in an apocalyptic manner.

The ability of social media to provide evidence to events allows things to be verified unlike in the past when politicians, for example, denied that something was happening when it was indeed happening. In 2018, videos of some people coercing the public to submit serial numbers of their registration slips emerged serving as evidence to claims that had been made to that effect. This prompted the authorities to act to such incidents (Nyavaya, 2018). The power of social media to report events as they happen and the ability to provide ‘concrete’ evidence gives it significant impact in early warning and early responses to incidents of violence, intimidation or irregularities if it is election time (Nyavaya, 2018). When social media prompts the authorities to respond to issues raised by the public, it means the digital era has indeed transformed the governance process by giving the public the platform to ‘interact’ with particularly government officials, which was an uneasy task before. Castells (2012) thus noted that digital technologies can enhance the capacity of individuals, activists, social movements, and so on, to confront incumbent powers, and enhance the public good in new, alternative ways. Ndawana (2023) also noted that social media platforms’ capacity to mobilise discontented citizens for protests can be used by policy makers to engage the citizens, which in turn can transform relationships by opening up opportunities for engagement and cooperation.

Social media provides flexibility and safety nets needed to articulate issues

The internet is a pivotal tool in people’s democratic governance across the globe. The new media has opened up possibilities for social and political action (Douai & Olorunnisola, 2013, p. 1). It has also been argued that new media platforms such as social media, blogs, and online news sites have stripped the near preeminent functions of traditional media (Okoro & Emmanuel, 2018). Mutsvairo (2016, p. 5) quoting Naughton (2011) noted that through social media activists are empowered to easily connect, sympathisers can simply join in and citizens can watch and participate in real-life online activities. Social media gives people alternative voices previously suppressed by the authorities. The digital era has removed traditional media challenges such as accreditation. This gives digital ‘journalists’ the opportunity to express themselves in ways that traditional media journalists sometimes find difficult. In the case of Zimbabwe, social media gave the citizens both the platform and the freedom to reinforce the view that Mugabe had outlived his usefulness. An agenda was thus strengthened that the prevailing economic and political challenges wanted a new leader with new solutions. User-generated content gives freedom of expression, which is significant in allowing members of the public to engage with one another and with the authorities.

Facebook whistle-blower ‘Baba Jukwa’ who emerged at the end of 2012 became popular with some Zimbabweans because of his/her/their pledge to oust Robert Mugabe from within. The ghost character(s) revealed a number of alleged ZANU PF secrets. For example, it alleged that there was an assassination plot against cabinet minister Edward Chindori-Chininga, and soon afterward, the politician died in a suspicious car crash. This prompted, among other things, the Baba Jukwa account to attract hundreds of thousands of ‘likes’ and followers on Facebook. In the run-up to the 2013 elections, Mugabe allegedly offered a US$300,000 reward to whomever could reveal Baba Jukwa’s real identity (Taylor, 2014). Such measures revealed the desperateness of the ZANU PF regime in dealing with the political effects of social media. The information divulged by Baba Jukwa could have landed traditional media in deep trouble with the authorities. Seen from this perspective, it can be argued that social media gives users safety nets which are not guaranteed by traditional media. During the Egyptian Revolution that started on 25 January 2011, the original spaces of resistance were formed on the internet, as traditional forms of protest were met with utmost ferocity by a police that had been torturing with impunity (Castells, 2012, p. 57).

Users prefer social media to traditional media because of the flexibility and perceived safety inherent in its platforms as shown by the editing of a song by Zimbabwean artiste, Nicholas Zakaria. A YouTube user edited the song with the intention of demonstrating how Robert Mugabe had ruined the country (Chipojak, 2016). Zakaria’s song generally talked about the HIV/AIDS scourge. The song ‘Chikara (enemy)’ was accompanied by images of perceived dictators such as Saddam Hussein, Muammar Gaddafi and Idi Amin. The images and message in the song resonated well with what ordinary Zimbabweans thought about how Mugabe had plundered the country. The comments posted by the viewers showed that although the song was talking about an enemy not Mugabe, for Zimbabwe Mugabe was or had become the problem. One of the comments posted in February 2018 read, ‘Kkkkkk zvikara zvakapera 2017 (Kkkkkk enemies were eliminated in 2017)’ (Chipojak, 2016). This referred to the ouster of Mugabe and his allies from the party and government in an army-induced coup in November 2017. Media restrictions are no longer effective in hindering people from expressing themselves or sharing their thoughts on general or salient issues.

The pro-democracy protests that happened in Zimbabwe in 2016 rode on the mobilising power of social media (Zhangazha, 2017), including its flexibility and safety. On July 6, 2016, there was what was called ‘Shutdown Zimbabwe’ coordinated by #ThisFlag founder Pastor Evan Mawarire and supported by #Tajamuka/Sesijikile (We have rejected), #Occupy Africa Unity Square and opposition parties. The national stay-away was one of the biggest and most peaceful stay-away actions in the post-2000 era. The stay-away was planned using Twitter, Facebook and WhatsApp (The Guardian, 2016). Its success was measured by the closure of many shops, tertiary institutions, banks and the unavailability of public transport as called for by the organiser Evan Mawarire. The significant part of the protests was that almost all parts of the country heeded the call, demonstrating that the people were not happy with the state of affairs. Had it not been for social media, it would arguably have been a tall order to reach out to a huge audience within a short period. Once the agenda was set on social media that Mugabe should step down, the word spread rapidly. The proliferation of social media has therefore changed how people provide and receive information. This creates different ways for individuals to interact with each other and democratising participation in community life (Campbell et al., 2014, p. 655).

But safety on social media is not always guaranteed. The rise of citizen journalism forced ZANU PF to launch a crackdown on social media users. Some people were arrested for allegedly insulting and denigrating President Robert Mugabe. The citizens were mostly charged with ‘criminal nuisance’ as defined in Section 46 (2) (v) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act Chapter 9.23 (Zulu, 2016). A Nyanga resident was arrested for abusing President Mugabe on social media. The State alleged that he sent an audio and visual clip on WhatsApp that depicted Mugabe as incapacitated and as a burden to the majority of people, including his family due to old age (Zulu, 2016).

The limitations of social media in advancing human development

Prone to abuse

Rumours, defamation and hate speech have existed long before the invention of social media. But social media has made them spread faster and further (Lallana, 2015, p. 79). In the era of social media, a period that is labelled as the ‘post-truth’ era, misinformation is more rife, as the mainstream media, in collaboration with some elements within the social media arena, sometimes circulate outright lies, half-truths, hoaxes, propaganda, and all manner of fake news (Okoro & Emmanuel, 2018, p. 69). Wasserman and Madrid-Morales (2019) argued that Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa have all experienced politically-motivated disinformation campaigns. Africa has seen a rise in the penetration of social media much like in developed nations. This rising penetration has occurred in particular via mobile phones, which have aided the spread of ‘fake news’ (Wasserman & Madrid-Morales, 2019, p. 119–120). Despite its moderation mechanisms seen in its terms and conditions, social media’s open door policy makes it prone to abuse. The world over, social media platforms have become breeding grounds for ‘fake news’ (Mugari, 2020; Sengere, 2017). People are sometimes added to social media groups without their consent. People send messages forwarded to them with the instruction that if they do not forward them to a certain number of people within a specific period of time something terrible would happen to them (Mabasa, 2015). In this regard, social media has become a weapon to spread hate speech and terror. The fact that anyone can post anything makes social media an incredible, suspicious and risk source of information. Conscious users have developed the habit of verifying information. Even if people create social media accounts for a noble cause, members can post offensive and often insensitive messages. Besides its capability to connect and empower, technology can also reinforce traditional gender roles and normalise stereotypes reflecting a culture of misogyny and marginalisation. Security and harassment are among the top five barriers to women’s mobile phone ownership and use (United Nations Development Programme, 2019, p. 167). Online harassment, sexist attitudes and misogynistic remarks can undermine women’s sense of legitimacy, competence and safety, making them mistrust technology and even opt out of its use. Besides hindering technological inclusion, violence against women and girls in the digital social space has a cumulative emotional and physical cost on them (United Nations Development Programme, 2019, p. 167).

Given the strengths and weaknesses of social media, it is important to view it as a complement of traditional media, not its rival. As argued by Locksley (2009, p. 2), new media did not come to dislodge traditional media. They rather sit side by side. It has also been argued that traditional radio and TV will continue to be the most effective ways of delivering high quality information on issues such as health care and education, and of debating issues of general interest and promoting a culture of peace in the developing world—especially in rural areas where literacy is low (Locksley, 2009, p. 2) and TV infrastructure and associated costs are beyond the reach of many.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s African Union (AU) Rwanda summit is one useful example to illustrate why social media should be used in conjunction with traditional media, not as a standalone source of information. The African Union extraordinary summit held in Kigali from the 20^th to the 21^st March 2018 was the first high profile meeting in Africa to be attended by Mnangagwa since his inauguration as President of Zimbabwe in November 2017. Mnangagwa’s visit to Kigali received a lot of coverage from social media, especially WhatsApp. Social media circulated messages to the effect that the Zimbabwean leader had been barred from gathering with other African heads of state. It was alleged that ED (Emmerson Mnangagwa) had to follow proceedings + from the gallery. Traditional media had to provide the correct record of the events unfolding in Kigali. Although it is an important source of information, social media is often under siege from people with ulterior motives. Although ‘fake news’ is a concern, commentators have noted that the kind of emotionally charged content that is a key characteristic of ‘fake news’ is not an unintended consequence of social media, but a central part of social media business models and a key source of revenue (Trittin-Ulbrich et al., 2021, p. 15).

The period before, during and after the harmonised elections conducted in Zimbabwe on July 30, 2018, further highlight the challenges inherent in social media in enhancing citizen participation in conversations of a political nature. On August 1, 2018, two days after the election, social media was extensively used to spread rumours that the MDC Alliance had won the harmonised elections even though the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) had not yet announced half of the election results (Mzila, 2018, p. 11). The messages spread through social media encouraged MDC Alliance supporters to convene at the party’s headquarters to force ZEC to announce the presidential results even though the five-day period to do so as given in the constitution had not yet lapsed. This led to chaos in the city centre. The soldiers responded by opening fire, leading to the death of six people (Mzila, 2018, p. 11). If one looks at this case, it is clear that social media has been used and/or abused to propagate ‘fake news’ for bad intentions. This has denied it the opportunity to occupy prominent roles in articulating issues critical to human development such as the necessity of peace before, during and after elections. If social media is hijacked by people with ulterior motives, it will need basic media literacy skills for the users to be able to interpret the motives of social media conversations.

Lack of depth and investigative aspects found in traditional media

Meyers et al. (2012) cited by Tayeebwa (2016, p. 12) argued that reports produced by citizen journalists lack the rigour afforded by professional journalists. Social media mainly works with the information at hand. In most cases, it does not do further research to go into deeper details. If it finds people fighting, it takes pictures or videos and then posts them. It is usually up to the recipients to interpret the information in their own ways. While this type of ‘journalism’ provides one with a glimpse of what is happening, it often does not provide the much needed details. The provision of sketchy information is significant in providing room for further research. In some instances, traditional media has relied on social media for news. What is important about traditional media is that it usually provides detailed and wider coverage of issues. Social media picks and drops stories. Most of its stories are not generated to last. They are rather for immediate consumption, always looking for trending issues. Many social media sites also lack a credible archive for future reference unlike traditional media which keeps a traceable record. Traditional media is therefore indispensable in fulfilling the well-recognised functions of the media: to educate or inform, entertain and to persuade, which means to make you believe something is true (Jennings, 2018; Locksley, 2009, p. 2).

While social media gives citizens greater participation, citizen journalists often suffer from the ‘breaking/trending news syndrome’ where the attention is so much on breaking/trending news or events, and much of it is on the entertainment and fashion side. The disappearance of political activist Itai Dzamara is an example. The incident proved that traditional media is indispensable, especially when it comes to giving depth to stories and drawing lessons from them. In late 2014, Itai Dzamara organised a campaign called ‘Occupy Africa Unity Square’. The few protesters organised a peaceful sit-in demanding that President Mugabe steps down for failure to satisfy the needs of the citizens. However, the police descended on them on October 20, 2014 (Mawere, 2014, p. 2). Because of his political activism, Itai Dzamara went missing since March 9, 2015. He was abducted by some unidentified men (alleged to be state security apparatus) from a barbershop near his home in Glen Norah at around 11:00 hours. Dzamara’s protests were viewed as a threat to state security, tantamount to igniting mass protests in the manner of the Arab Spring, which started in Tunisia. A year after Dzamara’s disappearance, the newspapers continued to put Dzamara on the map. This level of depth lacked in social media. The coverage given to the disappearance of Itai Dzamara shows how significant traditional media remains in enunciating important questions around socio-economic and political developments in Zimbabwe.

Traditional media does not necessarily rely on rumour but makes effort to establish facts. But it lies too! For over a week (November 13 to November 21, 2017), military intervention in Zimbabwe generated a lot of hype. As noted by Charamba (2017), ‘WhatsApp group chats, Facebook and Twitter were abuzz with multiple scenarios of events, theories, rumours and speculation particularly after Major-General Sibusiso Moyo read his statement in the wee hours of Wednesday morning….’ Just like traditional media, social media demonstrated that the key issue at hand was Mugabe’s resignation. However, social media largely imagined things. ‘Professor Moyo tried to escape to the US embassy’, ‘President Mugabe is on hunger strike’, ‘There will be a unity government’, ‘Grace Mugabe fled to Namibia’ and ‘Chipanga was made to read his speech over and over again at KG6’ were some of the rumours circulating on social media (Charamba, 2017). None of this could be verified. Locally, this forced many people to turn to traditional media for information on what was really happening. Public media could no longer be ignored (Charamba, 2017). However, since the army was now in charge of affairs and controlling the flow of information, people also turned to external sources such as the South African Broadcasting Corporation, British Broadcasting Corporation, Cable News Network and Al Jazeera, to mention a few. This was one way of keeping abreast with what was going on. Traditional media has thus proven its mettle in agenda-setting (Dearing & Rogers, 1996; Johnson, 2014; McCombs, 2004; McCombs & Shaw, 1972) and cannot be ignored.

Conclusion

In conclusion, there are key aspects that make social media critical to human development. Traditional and new media should not be seen as working in opposition but complimentary vehicles in advancing human development. Though widely manipulated in the same manner as traditional media, social media has ceased to be a place where people always crack jokes. Social media has reduced the usual approach of relying on traditional media in order to know what is happening and what is important in our daily lives. Being an open space, it has provided the public with great and wide forms of expression. This article contributes to knowledge by highlighting the nexus between social media and human development in a developing country that faces media restrictions and political constraints. It shows that social media gives agency to the public rather than making them passive recipients of information. When social media allow the citizens to participate in governance issues, it shows the utility of e-governance in enhancing human development through technologically facilitated communication, coordination, and interaction in governance processes. In the same manner, if through social media platforms leaders can be called to action, the role of social media in widening the scope of human development becomes apparent. Despite its inherent weaknesses, social media can bring significant changes to the attainment and advancement of human development through attending to questions around political, economic and social development in Africa and beyond. Overall, the article tackles a contemporary issue on how social media influences governance, as well as discussing some of the challenges of this mode of communication.

Declaration by author

The manuscript has not been published elsewhere and it has not been submitted simultaneously for publication elsewhere.

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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Darlington Mutanda

Darlington Mutanda is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Sol Plaatje University in South Africa. He is a researcher of Peace and Conflict Studies, as well as Strategic Studies.