Ethnic interaction and integration in Gondär (Ethiopia): the case of the Amhara and Tigre, 1930–1970s

Abstract

This study focuses on the interaction and integration of the Amhara-Tigre people in Gondär from 1930 to the 1970s. Gondär is situated in the northwestern part of Ethiopia, in the Amhara Regional State. The aim was to fill the existing gap in knowledge. The study collected data from primary and secondary sources, including interviews with key informants and document reviews of books, journals, theses, and archives. The qualitative data was thoroughly examined, cross-checked, analyzed, and interpreted. The interaction and integration between the Tigre and Amhara in Gondär was peaceful and coexistent. Once the Tigreans permanently settled in the study area, they adopted the Amhara culture, values, language, and ways of life. Similarly, the Amhara people inherited new businesses such as masonry, carpentry, cart services, charcoal production, and others from their Tigrean counterparts. The historical interaction between the Amhara and Tigre ethnic groups resulted in the emergence of children with dual identities. These individuals, who are of both Amhara and Tigre descent, reside in the study area and are sometimes referred to as ‘double face jackets’.

Keywords:

• Amhara
• double identity
• Gondär
• interaction
• integration
• Tigre

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Samuel Adu-Gyamfi, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology College of Arts and Social Science, Kumasi, Ghana

SUBJECTS:

• Culture
• Heritage Management & Conservation
• African History

1. Introduction

Ethiopia has been a hub for significant historical and cultural developments that have impacted Northeast Africa, the Red Sea, and the Arabian Peninsula for thousands of years. Gondär, one of the medieval capitals, had citizens from several ethnic groups, similar to other regions of Ethiopia (Tamrat, 1988a, p. 121). In Gondär, there were various ethnic groups that coexisted peacefully. Among them were the Amhara-Tigre groups. Tigreans lived in different parts of Gondär for an extended period, as shown in Figure 1 (Tesfamichael, 2023).

Figure 1. Mape taken from Bahru (1988).

Since medieval times, the historical relations between the two highlander peoples, the Amhara and Tigre, have been characterized by aspects of both war and peaceful social coexistence. During times of war, they fought together to defend their religion and political power. In times of peace, they engaged in trade, marriage, and shared social institutions and traditions (Berry, 1976, p. 37).

From the reign of Lebne-Dengel (r. 1508–1540) to Susenyos (r. 1607–1622), the Amhara-Tigre people were attacked and disrupted by Muslim armies (Ishikawa, 2002, p. 216). According to Arab Faqihi, after Gragn’s forces conquered the coalition of Amhara and Tigre forces and took control of Debre Berehan, he advanced into Aksum to defeat the remaining Christian army. Lebne-Dengel was already stationed there. After a long debate on how to conquer the Muslim force, the coalition of Amhara-Tigre troops, under the leadership of Robene and Fikre Eyesus, defeated Qachin Abubakar. This news was paradoxical for Gragn, and he began massive preparations, with Ottoman aid, for the next war (Strong, 1817, pp. 353–367).

Gragn was able to conquer Fanuel in 1517 and Ras Deghan in 1519 due to Lebne-Dengel’s underestimation of the Muslim forces. As a result of this defeat, many troops defected to Gragn’s side. The only remaining force that stayed loyal to the emperor and the church was the combined Amhara-Tigre force. Another significant historical event that demonstrated the early interaction and integration of the Amhara-Tigre people was related to the Susenyos administration. During his reign, Catholicism held sway over Orthodox Christianity until it was declared the state religion. The Amhara and Tigre people did not send any religious students to the capital and were strongly opposed to the king’s decree (Tekle-Tsadik, 1992, p. 219). Additionally, socio-cultural and political interaction and integration between the Tigre and Amhara people was observed in the mid-18th century. Half Oromo, Iyoas (r. 1755–1769), ascended the throne after the death of his father, Iyasu II (r. 1730–1755). The new king implemented a more favorable policy towards the Oromo elites who held positions in the court. With the support of his Oromo mother, the king declared that all socio-political affairs of the court would be conducted in Oromiffa and run by Oromos. Mentewab expressed dissatisfaction with her grandson’s actions and sought to regain her power and influence in court by aligning herself with the Tigrean lord who served as regen of the king (Berry, 1976). This lord had previously been a loyal advisor to Iyasu II. Mentewab’s deliberate interference in the relationship between the king and his regent resulted in discord between the two groups (Yared, 1989, pp. 227–228).

Mika’el assassinated Iyoa’s and, with the collaboration of Amhara elites, removed Oromo socio-cultural and political dominance from the Gondäriän court. As a result of his dedication, Mika’el was granted the powerful political title of Ras. Mika’el was highly regarded by the Amhara and Tigrean people residing in Gondär due to his loyal and efficient administration. He was referred to as the ‘lawgiver’. The integration and interaction between the two groups were evident during his lordship (Pankhurst, 1979, 460). Although Tigreans had socio-cultural interactions and integration with the Amhara and other ethnic settlers in Dämbiya and Wägärä districts, ordinary Tigreans had little involvement in the day-to-day livelihood of the Amhara people living in Gondär town, except for some political elites, up until the 1930s.¹

The period of Gondär’s hegemony began to decline in 1769, and this decline, marked by instability and decentralization, continued until 1855. The arrival of Tewodros (r. 1855–1868) brought about a period of relative centralization and peaceful administration. However, Tewodros’s centralized approach to administration was met with opposition from early regional lords and the Church clergy, who were dissatisfied with his policies towards the Church. They were forced to work with the unsatisfied lords. During the collaboration, the emperor faced opposition from the ordinary Gondäriens who supported the king’s early attempts at unification and ‘justice administration’. Due to this opposition and other factors, such as the need to build a modern armament industrial zone, Tewodros was forced to leave Gondär and establish his new capital in Debre Tabor (Pankhurst, 1969, pp. 165–170).

From 1860 onwards, Gondär was no longer considered a significant capital until Emperor Yohannes (r. 1872–1899) attempted to revive its importance. Emperor Yohannes IV fought to save Gondär until his last breath, but unfortunately, he could not prevent the town from falling to the Dervishes’ attack (Ghiorghis, 1969, 165–170). The attack worsened the decline of Gondär, which continued until Empress Zeweditu’s reign (1916–1930). According to Pankhurst (1969), the Empress issued an official order to establish major trading centers connected by main routes to Gälläbät in Sudan. Additionally, the Saturday market was revived and accelerated during her final rule, leading to an increase in the town’s socio-economic importance (p. 221). As the heir to the throne, Ras Teferi, also known as the late Emperor Haile-Selassie, continued to promote trade and administrative reorganization in Gondär. As a result, Gondär experienced a resurgence, which motivated many Tigreans from various districts in Tigray to come and receive religious education, provide spiritual services, and for some, work as masons, carpenters, and laborers in Gondär.²

Academic scholarship on the history of ethnic interactions and integrations in Ethiopia is not a new field. However, it has not received the attention it deserves due to various factors. From early to contemporary eras, there have been several notable investigations conducted on the political, economic, and sometimes social histories of the Amhara and Tigre peoples in their respective regions. However, there is no popular or professional work that clearly deals with the interaction and integration of the Amhara and Tigre people. To better understand the inter-linkage between these two groups, it is important to highlight the major academic works. In this regard, Taddesse’s work stands out as the first. Taddesse presents two conference papers discussing the interactions and integrations of the Agawe and Gafat peoples, respectively, highlighting Ethiopia’s rich history of interactions. However, he fails to properly address the role of the Amhara and Tigre in his study (Tamrat, 1988a, p. 121, Tamrat, 1988b). Awegichew provides a comprehensive bibliography on the interaction and integration of the Amhara and Oromo elites in Gondär during the medieval period. He also references sources that cover the aggregate interaction history of the country (Awegichew, 2018). Quirin’s paper examines the interaction and integration of the Beta Israel and Kimant in the northwest region of Ethiopia from 1300 to 1900 (Quirin, 1998).

Ahmed, Surafel, and Seketa develop theses on Yefat and Temmuga, Sidamo and Welayta, and the peoples of Gidda’s interactions and integrations, respectively. The researchers attentively study each respective area and period (Ahmed, 1994; Surafel, 2005; Seketa, 2018). Pankhurst, Shack, and Tesfamichael provide better coverage and concern for the relationship between the two peoples. Pankhurst’s (1979) work focuses on the medieval period Amhara-Tigre royal marriage alliance, which aimed to keep the throne within the royal classes and prevent outsiders from taking over. Although his concerns are limited to the royal classes, Pankhurst’s indigenous investigation is commendable. The second scholar, Tesfamichael (2023), assesses some points regarding the relationship between the two peoples for the first time, although his coverage is more on all ethnic groups. The third author conducted an anthropological survey on the Amhara and Tigre people at the country level. However, the author did not demonstrate consistency in discussing their history, interaction, and integration (Shack, 1974). Although the Amhara-Tigre ethnic group’s interaction and integration were remarkable, there is a lack of independent and significant research on these two peoples, with only a few fragmented pieces of literature available. The purpose of this study is to discuss the interaction and integration of the Amhara and Tigre peoples in Gondär from 1930 to 1970. The aim is to provide insight into the interrelationships between the two groups and strengthen their mutual understanding for present and future generations.

2. Materials and methods

The study’s qualitative data collection process utilizes both primary and secondary sources. Literature, including books, articles, senior essays, MA theses, and PhD dissertations, was gathered after holding library readings. The originality of these sources was double-checked by contrasting them with other extant archival and oral testimony. Secondly, the researcher acquired additional records. However, before using them as sources, they were appraised using internal, external, or high and low criticism. The historical method was then used to meticulously interpret these sources while maintaining objectivity and reliability and avoiding prejudice. To fill gaps and strengthen accuracy, oral sources were also utilized. Using an open-ended interviewing technique, selected key informants and conducted one-on-one and group interviews in private. The researcher employed the snowball sampling method to identify these key informants. The elders of the Amhara-Tigre people who were involved in the interaction and integration history of the two ethnic groups were included. Prior to conducting the interview, the researcher informed the participants about the oral testimony that would be recorded. Participants were given the option to decline based on personal reasons. The researcher ensured privacy and documented any concerns in the notebook. The informant’s oral testimony was transcribed into written Amharic and translated into English. The accuracy of the oral information was cross-referenced with written and other oral sources. To conduct a scientific study, carefully reviewed; cross-checked, analyzed, and interpreted the data gathered using various techniques. This article focuses on the interaction and integration of the Amhara and Tigre people in Gondär from the 1930 to the 1970s. The year 1930 is considered a landmark because it marked the beginning of Tigrean settlement in Gondär and the subsequent Tigre-Amhara interaction and integration. During the 1970s, numerous social welfare institutions were established and strengthened, further promoting interconnection.

3. Imperial rule and socio-cultural interaction in the study area: 1930–1935

Although the Church of Aksum-Tsion Maryam attracted theologians, like Shoä and Lastä, from Tigray, many religious students and clergy came to Gondär to learn and provide spiritual services.³ These religious students brought desiccated food from their families. Later, when they finished the food, they moved into the church’s respective home and begged in the name of the Virgin Mary. If there was enough food, the area settlers gave them food that was prepared at home daily by saying ‘sele-maryam’ (in the name of Mary).⁴

After completing their education, half of the graduates returned to their hometowns while the other half remained in Gondär and neighboring districts, as well as other parts of the country. Throughout their lives, they preached the gospel in various churches.⁵ Religious scholars from Tigray, along with other Amhara church scholars, organized and composed a hymn. The churches adopted the aromatic chanting of the hymns and the distinctive style of Ethiopia’s singing traditions in acceptance of Gondär culture. Additionally, teachers have translated the Bible and critiqued other religious texts (Tiyent Gondar, 1974).

As well as teachers and students of the spiritual ministry, some groups of Tigreans from different provinces of Tigray came to work in Gondär since the last period of Zeweditu and the beginning of the reign of Haile-Selassie (r. 1930–1974) in 1930.⁶ From 1930 to 1935, the Tigreans lived together in rented houses in the suburbs of Gondär, serving the people in their professions. They lived in groups of three to four.⁷ The Tigreans were hired as carpenters and builders to repair the houses, yards, and other infrastructure of the city settlers. Once their work was completed, they were paid 1–2 birr per day in cash for their services.⁸

Individuals skilled in remodeling and repairing household items were in high demand throughout the town, as news of their expertise spread through word of mouth. Those in need of repairs sought out their services to revitalize their outdated materials, while others were willing to pay between 25 and 50 cents for the mended items.⁹

The laborers provided various types of labor services and traveled around the town to earn grain and cash. After work, some of them baked lean bread together in their rented house, while others prepared stew and injera (tavita) and shared a meal. Their diligent efforts prevented periods of unemployment and they were never observed in hostile or idle environments (tellä and teji bet).¹⁰ Through their interactions with other Amhara families, they have developed a sense of kinship. Once they completed their paid work, they saved their earnings.¹¹ If they were given grain in kind as wages, they would sell the grain and exchange it for cash, or if it was not sold, they would keep the grain for the next year. And all of them went back to their original area (Tigray) in May because May is the agricultural season in the Ethiopian calendar; they engaged in agricultural production there.¹²

After receiving money from Gondär, some individuals purchased oxen, cows, and other items that were previously unavailable to them. Towards the end of the agricultural season, a few newcomers who had previously pursued other careers arrived as role models and also purchased oxen, cows, and various items. Additionally, some of the early Tigrean seasonal workers who sought to earn more money in Gondär returned to continue their seasonal work and provide other services until the Italian occupation.¹³ After the defeat of the Italian fascists, the seasonal workers returned. Since 1942, they have had a permanent resident camp in the northern part of the city. They brought their families from various districts of Tigray, particularly from Agame district.¹⁴

4. The Italian invasion and its impact on the Amhara-Tigre relation in Gondär: 1936–1941

After their victory in the battle of Maychew, the Italian troops quickly entered the study area. On Wednesday, April 1, 1936, at 5 o’clock, General Strache led the Italian army into the northwestern part of Gonderoch-Ghiorghis, cut off the Kähä River and reached Gondär. The army, led by General Gobitto, entered the fort four hours later and set up its headquarters near the Debre Berhan Selassie church. This was the beginning of an Italian invasion that lasted for the next five years (Tafere, 1949 E.C., 15).

The Italians employed a strategy of creating ethnic animosities among the people of Ethiopia to weaken the anti-Italian patriotic resistance movement. This strategy was part of their racist colonial policy, which took advantage of Ethiopia’s diversity and multiethnic groups (Mohammed, 2019, 59). The Italians systematically favored other ethnic groups, such as the Tigreans, who were stationed in different districts of Gondar and some of them were in the city. In particular, the fascist government tried to attract the attention of the Tigreans and forced them to suspect the Amhara by preaching to them at an early age that they were being treated unfairly and disrespectfully compared to the rest of the Amhara settlers.¹⁵ The Italian invaders had a clear plan, which led to successful divisions between the two groups even before they took control of Gondär. While there were patriots, there were also traitors who deserted for various reasons. Some Amharas were bribed, as were certain people from Tigre, and individuals with family obligations. These factors prevented patriots from joining the patriotic war effort on the northern front. Some collaborators, dissatisfied with the emperor’s rule, and businessmen who benefited from the fascist Italians did not resist the enemy. The weakness of local patriots who fought the fascists and the Italian’s superior armament forced the traitors to believe that the Italians were destined to win. This and other factors contributed to Italy’s victory. In contrast to the failed attempts to divide certain Amhara-Tigre groups from other settlers of the same ethnicity in and around Gondär during the war of the northern front, the host Amhara-Tigre groups continuously demonstrated their altruism against the fascist rule in the jungles. Some traitors who were unsuccessful in the fascist malapropism regretted their early bändä acts (Salome, 1968–1969, pp. 64–66). One of the veterans of the two peoples was Fitäwräri Abebe Dawit. He conquered and subdued an army of Italian fascist forces in the jungle. He boasted that:

በ እናቱ አማራ በ አባቱ ትግሬ

ተሰዶ ገዳይ ከ ሰው ቀበሌ

ሶልዳቶ ገዳይ አህያ በሌ ባንዳ ገዳይ ጎፈሬ።

[A man of Amhara on the mother line and of Tigre on the father, who is a man of patriotic

war, chasing enemies beyond the borders, killer of a white intruder, who is a non-selective

scavenger, and killer of a traitor who wears a disguising Afro]. (Tafere, 1949 E.C., 40)

In Gondär and the surrounding districts, several Tigre-Amhara family-born patriots engage in various resistance activities. For instance, Ato Adgoy Zegeye in Bägemdr hides messengers who come from patriots to buy ammunition, food, and clothing. Hawaze Fisseha, who worked in the Italian printing press, informed the patriots of many of the Italian secret plans. Ato Tagaye Wolde-Selassie, who worked in the Department of Public Health, sent medicine to the patriots. Additionally, other merchants collected cloth from Wällo and Mäkäle and sent it to the patriots (Salome, 1968–1969). Similar to the adult Tigre-Amhara patriots, young deacons and other groups also joined the patriotic resistance movement against the racist fascist Italians. Specifically, those aged 13–14 took responsibility for carrying Meredith’s foot and the locks in the woods surrounding Gondär. Eventually, the coalition of patriots and British forces defeated the Italians, leading to the end of their invasion.¹⁶

5. Restoration of monarchial rule and fruits of interaction and integration between the Amhara-Tigre: 1940s–1960s

5.1. Resettlement of local people after the last battle of Gondär

From the establishment of Gondär as the capital of the country until the early 1930s, various ethnic and religious groups lived in separate quarters throughout the city. However, this changed when the Italians took control, as they enforced a policy of integration (Tesfamichael, 2015, p. 3). At this time, many landowners and residents had their land confiscated, and half of them relocated to the southern part of the palace, while others chose to move to rural areas. Various buildings were constructed by Italians on the land formerly occupied by residents. Except for a few Ethiopians who were employed by the Italian government, most of the former residents were forced to leave Gondär by nine guards who entered through Mushira-Dingäy, Kähä-Eyesus, ĉaĉala, Lideta, Abera-Ghiorghis, Addis Aläm, Derebo, Arbätu-Enseses, and Debre Berhan. No black person was allowed to enter the city without Italian permission (Tafere, 1949, E.C., 70).

Informants testified that after the fall of the Italian government in Gondär in 1942,¹⁷ the previous landowners only recently began resettling. They were embroiled in site disputes and controversies, which Mayor Bilätä Tshaye Desta, Mayor Kebede Abozen, and their followers attempted toresolve (Tiyent Gondar, 1974).¹⁸ Although many former residents have been relocated, most shops and hotels are still controlled by Arabs. The Arabs initially came to Gondär as messengers and ministers during the Italian invasion. After the defeat of Italian fascism, they dominated trade in Gondär, Armächiho, Wägärä, Däbät, Robite, Kollädebä, and other areas.¹⁹ In Gondär, some former residents have taken up the Arab protest to regain their early rights. As a result, most Arabs sold their shops for a small fortune, while others were seized by the early owners of the land and the government. Since then, all ethnic and religious groups have lived together in the downtown of Gondär and other localities, regardless of their differences.²⁰

However, according to different archival sources, even though the early settlers moved back into downtown Gondär, most of the early rist and gult owners were unable to grant their land. It is worth noting that many of the city’s major buildings were under the ownership of Emperor Haile-Selassie’s family from the 1930s–1974. With the exception of certain government officials who held a pro-Haile-Selassie attitude, the majority of land and buildings were owned by the royal family. This resulted in opposition to the Emperor from numerous local and high-ranking Gondäriens (Central Gondar Administration Zonal Archive [CGAZA], 1967a).

5.2. The new permanent settlement pattern of Tigreans in Gondär

The early Tigrean seasonal workers in Gondär realized the smooth ground, peace and prosperity after the fascist government. This realization, together with the conglomeration of the early Tigrean settlers in socio-cultural and other aspects with the rest of the Amhara people, forced the workers and religious groups to choose whether to live permanently with their families in Gondär.²¹ The Tigrean settlers in Gondär hailed from various parts of the Tigray province, particularly the first settlers in the arategna foq (four-story) apartments in the northern part of Gondär near Belico. The Italians constructed a Posto di Blicko (a tollgate/check-in in English or ‘kella’ in Amharic) on the road leading to Tigray, which gave the area and its surroundings their current name, Belico, a corrupted form of Post Di Belicko. There are also places named Cassa Inches and Cassa Familia, which are now known as arategna foq and Chäwä säfär, respectively. This quarter serves as a residential site for high-class Italian officials and comprises four apartment buildings, two-story buildings, and a few villas (Tewodros, 2018).

During the attack on the city by the British and patriot forces, numerous infrastructures in Gondär, including four-story apartments and the 17th-century palaces of Gondärien kings, were damaged by aerial bombardment. These infrastructures were originally constructed by Italians. It is important to note that this is a factual account and does not include any subjective evaluations.²² After the Ethiopian victory over the Italian fascist forces, the Tigreans who arrived after the battle repaired the damaged doors and windows of the apartments and began to reside there.²³ The imperial family paid a monthly rent of 1–2 birr for one apartment. In 1946, Emperor Haile-Selassie visited Gondär after the Paris Peace Conference and was impressed with the architectural style of the building during his first tour of the city.²⁴

To refurbish the apartments, the emperor enlisted the services of local architects from Oromo, Gurage, and Shoä, as well as some Italian occupants who chose to remain in Gondär after the battle. The renovated apartments were subsequently leased to government officials and affluent individuals, some of whom have resided there for an extended period. Prince Ras Kassa Hailu was the proprietor of the two apartments (CGAZA, 1967a, E.C.).²⁵ When the Tigreans emerged from the four-story apartments, the new permanent resident was Därgendä, also known as Agame säfär. This neighborhood is located near the Italian Enkuedie (abattoir), and most of the Tigreans who lived in this area came from Tigray Agame. The place was named after the people, and the administrator of this and the surrounding area was Fitäwrärie Nega Alemu.²⁶

In their new neighborhood and beyond, Tigreans have developed close relationships with Amhara people. Like the Guräge people, Tigreans work with great respect, effort, and enthusiasm. They have used their income to purchase taxis, open hotels and teahouses, and establish grain mills. They are also known for selling decorations and ornaments, such as gold, in their shops and engaging in various business activities.²⁷ Although many Tigreans lived in the Agame säfär neighborhood, those who were economically well-off resided with Amhara people in various parts of the city, including Piazza, Arada, and other areas. The majority of poor Tigreans who lived in Agame säfär worked hard in various occupations. Once they had saved enough money, they fled their previous villages in to the central parts of the city and settled there.²⁸

Residents of Tigrean were earning income by producing charcoal in the surrounding areas of Gondär, such as Wuzäbä (Ambo Bere), Abäte-Megech, Gilgel-Megech (near Defechä), Ginde-Metäyä, Angäräb, and other locations.²⁹ In the villages cut down trees to make charcoal. During their stay in the surrounding jungles, they formed godmother-and-godfather-kinship relations with the villagers to receive a warm welcome and provisions until they finished preparing the charcoal, which took 3–7 days. Those did not form these relationships survived by eating burkuta from the jungle. They then transported the charcoal to the city using camels or donkeys.³⁰ Kassa W/Gabriel, Tekle Woldie, Gebre-Mdhine, Gerezgi, and Wolde Ghiorghis were among the Tigreans who taught the Amhara people about charcoal production. The Amhara people later learned about charcoal production from their more experienced Tigrean, which created job opportunities for many in the city and surrounding areas.³¹

Just like the former seasonal Tigrean workers, those who found a new permanent residence in Belico säfär and lived in all parts of Gondär made a significant contribution to the city by building and repairing a fence. It is important to note that this contribution was not limited to charcoal production.³² The Tigreans were pioneers in cart-transport services (garie aglegelote) and provided valuable assistance to the people. The Amhara people, having learned construction skills from the Tigres, have resumed their carpentry, masonry, cart transportation services, and other crafts, repairing old and broken materials.³³

In addition to the Amharic language, the Tigreans adopted various new experiences, cultures, and ways of living from the Amhara people.³⁴ According to Tigre-Amhara elders, the Tigreans were known for their hard work and love of music. They often sang whimsical songs and played music in their permanent residence, known as Agame säfär. During the evening festivities, the women danced while adorned with beautiful earrings and necklaces. The dance floor served as a stage for the musical performances. The Amhara neighbors were aware of the Tigre dance parties that had begun. In the morning, however, everyone seems to leave, except for the children all Tigreans go to work. Although this occupation is usually dominated by men, women also participate in hairdressing and working in the mill houses. Until their husbands return from the jungle, some Tigrean women carry small sacks of charcoal to sell at the local market. Later, in cooperation with their Amhara neighbors, they established a public transportation system from Gondär to Asmära.³⁵

5.3. Market centers and their role in interaction and integration

Gondär was established as the permanent capital of the country due to its central location for both local and long-distance trade. However, during the era of lords (c. 1769–1855), political anarchy and instability led to a decline in trade (Abdussamad, 2000; Pankhurst, 1969; Solomon, 2006). Under the order of Empress Zeweditu, the historical Saturday market and other local markets began to revive from their decline. Different ethnic and religious groups were involved in the exchange in the area (Pankhurst, 1969, 217). However, after its revival, Gondär fell into the hands of Italian fascist power on 1 April 1936, and the Italians launched a segregation apartheid policy. Ethiopians were forced to stay away, and this lasted for the next five years (Tafere, 1949, E.C.). After the Italian fascist defeat, the original residents returned to their previous quarters. The historical market center (Saturday) and other parts of the town continued to thrive, with various ethnic groups, such as the Amhara and Tigre from Agame säfär and the surrounding area of Gondär, engaging in their usual socio-cultural interaction and integration.³⁶

A diverse group of traders attended the Saturday market, selling a variety of products including cereals, oilseeds, spices, stimulants, aromatics, animals, and animal products. The market was a hub for transactions among different ethnic groups. Traders from the fertile districts of Dämbiya, Fogärä, Wägärä, and other rural areas occupied the central area of the open-air market (CGAZA, 1967b, IES, Archive, Folder No. 1264; Shack, 1974, p. 27).³⁷ Tigrean traders from Agame säfär and the surrounding area of Belico developed charcoal products and occupied designated rows on both sides of the market.³⁸

The Bete-Israel from Wälkä, Dämbiya, and the surrounding areas came to the market. Instead of women, they brought pottery products such as kettles, pots, jars, casseroles, and others. The male Bete-Israel provided local iron goods made of iron, which were important for the community’s day-to-day life, for household and agricultural purposes. According to Fikadie et al. (2018) and Shack (1974), cotton and weaving products are provided by Muslims from Addis Aläm and the surrounding area, and both Muslims and Bete-Israel are present on the back side of the market.³⁹ The Kimant ethnic group, primarily from Cherker, Gonderoch-Ghiorgihs, and the surrounding rural areas, is involved in the production of wood and agriculture.⁴⁰ In addition to the products listed above, Amhara-Tigre Muslims traded in the Red Sea, while Christian merchants brought valuable goods to the local market through the Gälläbät market that were not available in Gondär.

The largest Saturday market was accompanied by several local mini-markets that allowed Tigrean charcoal traders to conduct business with the Amhara settlers of the city and other groups. Most Gondärien markets diverged from basic market principles by focusing not only on exchange but also on creating vital information, recreation, appointments, welfare, friendship, and collegiality, among other socio-cultural aspects. The market served as a space for acquainting people with each other. Specifically, the market area located to the south of the Gondärien palace compound was situated between Christian and non-Christian settlements. The market’s social interaction involved not only the Tigre and Amhara ethnic groups but also the Beta-Israel, Muslims, the Kimant, and other ethnic and religious groups (Fikadie et al., 2018).

In addition to the Saturday market around Agame säfär, the Tigreans kept their charcoal in the open space in front of their house, and whenever the surrounding Amhara needed charcoal outside the regular market days, they went to Agame säfär and bought the amount they needed. In addition, the Tigrean women, when their partners retired to the jungle to process different kinds of wood into charcoal, would carry small sacks of charcoal on their backs and go to some parts of town to provide for someone who could not get there on market days. In their home-to-home service and in their home markets, the Tigreans interacted with the rest of the Amhara people, discussing socioeconomics and their daily livelihoods, and inviting each other over for food and drink.⁴¹

5.4. Marriage and family bonding

Intermarriage is considered a significant factor and indicator of interaction and social integration among different ethnic groups. The rate of intermarriage is often used to measure the progress of structural assimilation (Chen and Takeuchi, 2011). For at least the last five hundred years, dynastic marriage has played a significant and well-documented role in Ethiopian political life (Pankhurst, 1997, p. 1).

Marriage and family bonding between the Amhara and Tigre people in Gondär is not a recent phenomenon. Prior to the advent of Tigreans in Gondär as permanent settlers, marriage between the two groups was based on political motives. In fact, the two ethnic groups have created marriage alliances for centuries, and the elite’s marriage bonds have gradually led to the birth of ‘double identity’ children. Inter-ethnic marriages between the Amhara and Tigre were common among ordinary people, despite being neglected by previous scholars. The Tigre-Amhara had a higher rate of inter-ethnic marriages compared to other ethnic groups in Gondär. According to sources, Tigreans have a long history of intermarriage with the Amhara in Gondär. This is estimated to be the second largest intermarriage interaction, following Amhara-Amhara marriage (Tekle-Tsadik, 1992, E.C.; Ignazio (ed. and trans.); Pankhurst, 1997; Mhozie, 1869).⁴²

The interaction between Tigre and Amhara marriages in the surrounding districts of Gondär was dominant in the 1930s. Seasonal Tigrean male workers faced a slight language barrier when they came to Gondär. However, due to the relative similarities between Amharic and Tigrigna, these Tigreans were able to quickly communicate within the Amharic-speaking society and adopt the language.⁴³ Although the Tigre-Amharas have longstanding age relations, there was no significant social interaction between the two peoples in Gondär until the 1940s. The day after the Italian occupation of Gondär, the first Tigrean seasonal workers came to Gondär with their families and later with their wives and whole families on camels, and some others came on foot. In addition to daily life and in different markets, when Tigreans went home to Amhara to renovate and build a house and in their cart transport service, they began to fall in love with their unmarried customers.

In addition, after the opening of the Hummérä-Mättemä farm in the 1960s, the number of Tigreans living in Gondär increased considerably. In addition to godfather/mother kinship, the two ethnic groups established marriage alliances through respected church ordinances. Before engaging in sexual intercourse, most couples notified their families, and their respective families sent the most respected persons (usually three) to the lady’s house to ask for an official marriage from the desired man. If the lady had no fiancé or was not engaged, her family would inquire about the personal conduct of the young man requesting her hand in marriage. If the shmagles found him to be well-behaved, they would allow their daughter to marry him, regardless of ethnicity or wealth.⁴⁴

Preparation for marriage began with weddings and covenants for marriage. The ceremony was attended by the couple’s families and neighbors, providing an opportunity for interaction and introduction. This incident served as a chance for the future to find common ground. After the marriage ceremony, the two couples began living together outside of their families’ homes. As a result of these formal and informal Tigre-Amhara marriages, many ‘double identity’ children were born who embraced both cultures and traditions. The interaction and integration between the two groups has continued as usual.⁴⁵

6. Social welfare as means of ethnic interaction and integration: 1960s–1970s

6.1. Self-help institutions and their role in interaction: Iddir and Iqub

Human societies have collaborated to develop cooperative practices for collecting, hunting, and building shelters since ancient times. To ensure a sustainable foundation for productive activities, informal institutions, especially those at the local level, played a crucial role in mobilizing resources and regulating their use for sustainable development.⁴⁶

6.1.1. Iddir

During the 1960s and 1970s, a significant number of Tigreans participated in various iddirs. Gabriel and Abune Aregäwie were the two most well-known Amhara-Tigre figure iddirs in Gondär. Members of the Gabriel Relief Society came from various places, including Belico, Bete Kihnte, Otto Barko, Fechfächite, and other areas. Additional iddirs were created in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The majority of the members were Amhara-Tigre people, without any discrimination.⁴⁷ The following individuals served as board directors for Gabriel iddir: Semu Jenberie, Berhane Moche, Mengestu Nigatu, Aragaw Gebrie, Admasu Wolde-Mariyam, Molla Lisaneworqe, and Zewedu Abebe (CGAZA, 1967a, E.C.). One notable aspect that sets this iddir apart from others is the significant number of Tigrean people who joined it over the years in the study area. Although many of the founders and former members of this relief society have passed away due to sickness and old age, their children and others have continued the relief society.

Similar to Gabriel, the Abune Aregawie iddir was a notable community association that reflected early Amhara-Tigre interaction. This iddir was established officially in 1974, but it had a long history before its formal establishment. The founder and members demonstrated a strong sense of integration. The monthly meeting place is similar to Gabriel iddir’s meetings, which were held in the houses of the secretary, board member, and president. This iddir is named after the nearby church, Abune Aregawie, which is located down the road from Debre Selam St. Mary Catholic School. The name Gabriel iddir was derived from the church in the area (CGAZA, 1967a, E.C.; Pankhurst & Endreas, 1958, p. 360).⁴⁸ The association’s founding members included Girmay Nigussie, Solomon Desta, Gebre-Eyesus Kahissäy, and Tekle Gebre-Selassie. They were of mixed Tigre and Amhara heritage. These brothers from different parts of Gondär came together in times of both joy and sorrow, and despite living in different directions like other iddirs, they shared a strong sense of brotherhood (CGAZA, 1967a, E.C.).

6.1.2. Iqub

Since the late 1960s and early 1970s, three non-profit credit organizations have been established in Gondär by the Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups. These organizations are Bäle Gäriewoch, Libse Sefiwoch, and Medhäni Alem Akäbäbe iqub mähäbers. In addition to its economic benefits, the iqub of Gondär brought together the two ethnic groups, either high or low income people, and guided their interaction, and even after satisfying their needs through the lottery of the iqub, some may have left and the others continued as usual, but all these members continued to ask each other when they faced good or bad luck.⁴⁹

6.1.3. Christian religious clubs: Mähäber, Senbete and others

Mähäber and Senbete were two organizations that played a significant role in facilitating interaction and integration between the Amhara and Tigre ethnic groups. These organizations are associated with the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church tradition (EOTC). Membership was limited to Christians. The cooperation systems were consumption-oriented. Both men and women could be members of either the mähäber or senbete. It facilitated fruitful integration between the Tigrean and Amhara ethnic groups.⁵⁰ Furthermore, it provided a solid foundation for resolving shared issues and supporting one another during times of financial, material, and moral hardship. Additionally, it served as a platform for discussing ideas, social issues, and shared interests, as well as offering assistance to the families of members after their passing.⁵¹ In case of an accident, members would contribute money to help the affected member. There was no obligation to provide assistance under normal circumstances. If a member’s house was destroyed by fire, they would all assist in cutting down trees and rebuilding the house without expecting any compensation (Pankhurst & Endreas, 1958, p. 364). In addition to the religious togetherness mentioned earlier, there was also interaction and integration between the Amhara and Tigre ethnic groups during the regular square religious festivals of Timket and Mäskäle Demerä. The festivals were celebrated in a cultural and religious style.⁵²

Furthermore, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church played a significant role in facilitating interaction through various religious social bonding feasts, such as zikr. This was particularly evident in the religious zikrs of Saint Michael, Abune-Argawi, and Medhani-Alem. To honor their patron saints, the Amhara-Tigre groups organized a ceremony at home, inviting many guests who were warmly welcomed and served food and drinks in the name of the saints. This annual ceremony is dedicated to a saint and involves the interaction of two groups.⁵³

The baptismal and tezkär ceremonies are religious feasts that strengthen social interactions through food and drink. Baptismal ceremonies involve newborn babies being welcomed into Christianity and are an important aspect of Tigre-Amhara kinship practices, where godfathers and godmothers play a significant role.⁵⁴ Tezkär (funeral) in this deceased person’s memorandum, food and drink prepared by his/her family, and all the people who participated in the deceased and other poor people of the area were invited and fed together, and in the end each of them said, ‘My God bless the life of the dead. All these religious feasts had a great contribution or were pillars for strengthening the two ethnic interactions, and in each of the religious holidays: Easter, Ethiopian New Year, Christmas, and other holidays, they would invite each other to eat and drink and spend time together.⁵⁵

6.1.4. Islamic social welfares and their role in the family system

Like the Christian Tigreans, the Muslim Tigreans living in different parts of Tigray regularly came to Gondär for religious and trade purposes. Taking advantage of the stable ground of the city after the Italian defeat, many Muslims came and lived in extreme peace and coexistence with their co-religionists and Christian brothers. A number of historical and traditional institutions facilitated their interactions. In fact, most of the Muslims of Gondär had social welfare with the rest of the Christian settlers, regardless of their religious affiliation. However, just as the Christians of Gondär had social welfare based on religion, the Muslims of Gondär had the same tradition. There was no unique historical social association between the Tigre and Amhara Muslims in Gondär.⁵⁶ However, it is important to note that many of these associations have their roots in the teachings of Prophet Muhammad, the Quran, and the Hadith. The Muslims of Gondär and Tigre had their own religious chambers and practiced their faith for many years before their arrival in Gondär. After their arrival, they engaged in various historical phenomena and strengthened their mutual Islamic welfare, including zakah, waqf, and sadaqä (Muslim welfare).⁵⁷

Simultaneously, the Tigre Muslims engaged in small business trade of weaving and established themselves as having a high income. They also received donations from their co-religious groups. In addition to the self-help methods mentioned above, the Amhara-Tigre Muslims interact with each other in their daily lives. Since their arrival in Gondär, they have also interacted with other Amhara Muslims at historical mosques such as Sheikh Ali Gondär, Addis Aläm, Al-Kadimu, Kena Bet, and Otto Barko for congregational prayers and religious gatherings. The mosques served as political, social, cultural, and ritual centers for believers who gathered there for Friday and daily prayers. In addition to the adhaan (call to prayer), important news was also announced in the mosques. People used these religious institutions for consultation and to exchange views and ideas. With the rise of modern education, Muslim children were sent to nearby historical mosques to study the Qur’an, Hadith, fiqh, Arabic history, language, literature, and other commandments of Allah. During their religious education, Amhara-Tigre Muslim children interacted with each other and formed friendships. Similarly, Muslim communities of the two ethnic groups interacted and integrated with each other, much like their Christian counterparts.⁵⁸

7. Conclusion

In Ethiopia, inter-ethnic relations among different ethnic and religious groups are a common phenomenon. To facilitate such interaction, many prominent factors such as socio-economic factors contribute to its success. Ethnic interaction and integration between Amhara and Tigre was common in Gondär, especially from the 1930s to the 1970s. With the encouragement of Empress Zewditu (r. 1916–1930) over Gondär, it attracted neighbors from Tigray province. The first arrivals were seasonal workers and religious groups to work, give and receive services, respectively, and were able to create bonds with their Amhara brothers, but it was interrupted by the fascist invasion. As the colonial attempt intensified, the two ethnic groups fought against their common enemy until the last battle of Gondär in 1942.

With the end of Italian rule in the study area, it became a better ground for fruitful interaction and integration of the two ethnic groups. Since then, the local people have begun to resettle in their former rist, which was taken away by the Italians, and at the same time, former seasonal workers and new Tigrean ethnic groups have begun to come to Gondär. Especially after they had settled in their new permanent quarter (Agame), the two ethnic groups reached their highest level of integration; in particular, the Tigrean masonry, carpentry, cart service and charcoal production, religious service, market and self-help institutions enabled the creation of deeply regular interaction and integration. This interaction allowed them to be integrated into the familiar system. As a result, they created marriages that led to the birth of dual-identity children. Due to their extreme integration, it’s difficult to identify them visually; in the study area, they lived in ‘double-faced jackets’. In general, this study was based on both primary and secondary sources. The written sources include dissertations, journals, manuscripts, and books collected from different areas. Oral sources are also used to fill the gaps where written sources face and to strengthen their accuracy.

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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Tesfamichael Fentie Derso

Tesfamichael Fentie Derso got his BA from Wolaita Sodo University and MA from University of Gondar, from the Department of History and Heritage Management, respectively. Since 2015, he has been involved in teaching and he currently teaches at Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia, in the Department of History and Heritage Management. His research interests include Ethiopian and African history, ethnic interactions and integrations, socio-cultural and indigenous knowledge, and heritage. He has also published and is conducting ongoing research on the aforementioned themes.

Notes

1 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu, 20/06/2012, Gondär. All interviews are described in Ethiopian calendar.

2 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu and Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

3 Interview with one religious leader informant who preferred anonymous, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

4 Ibid.

5 Interview with Märgiétä Esayas Desta, 23/06/2012, Gondär.

6 Interview with two female and one male informant who preferred anonymity, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

7 Interview with one female informant who preferred anonymous, 20/06/2012, Gondär.

8 Ibid.

9 Interview with one female informant who preferred anonymous, 20/06/2012, Gondär.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu and Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

13 Interview with three male and two female informants who preferred anonymity, 30/06/2012, Gondär.

14 Interview with one female and one male informants who preferred anonymity, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

15 Interview with Ato Basha Tamrat, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

16 Interview with Ato Basha Tamrat, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

17 The Italian colonial attempt it was lasted in Ethiopia from 1936 to 1941, however in Gondär they stayed until the last battle of Gondär in 1942, because it was one of their last defeats in East Africa battles.

18 Interview with Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

19 Interview with Ato Demelash Beyene; Ato Messele Berihun and Ato Basha Tamrat, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

20 Ibid. From the most notable shops that sold from the Arabs to Gondäriän merchants in few prices, one was the shop of Abä Jerela sold to Abä Beyene. የአረብ ይውጣ እንቅስቃሴ ከግዜ ወደ ግዜ እየበረከተ ሲሄድ ብዙ አረቦች ጨርቄን ማቄን ሳይሉ ቤተሰቦቻቸውን ይዘው መውጣት ጀመሩ። እናም አንድ አረብ በጎንደር ከተማ አውራ ጎዳና ላይ ከሃበሻ ሴት የወለደውን ታዳጊ ወንድ ልጁን እሽኮኮ አድርጎ ከከተማዋ እየወጣ በነበረበት ሁኔታ ልጁ በከተማዋ ህዝብ የሚደረገውን አረብ ይውጣ…አረብ ይውጣ…የሚለውን መፎክር ሰምቶ እሱም ከአባቱ ትክሻ ላይ ሆኖ አረብ ይውጣ አረብ ይውጣ ሲል አባቱ ወደ ልጁ ቀና በማለት እናትህ ትውጣ እዳለው ብዙ የከተማዋ አባቶች ያነሳሉ። .

21 Interview with Wäyzäro Tega Wondale and Wäyzäro Malede Tiku, 21/07/2012, Gondär.

22 Interview with Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

23 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu and Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

24 Interview with one male informant who preferred anonymous, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

25 Interview with one male informant who preferred anonymous, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

26 Interview with one male informant who preferred anonymous, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

32 Interview with two female and two male informants who preferred anonymity, 01/07/2012, Gondär.

33 Interview with one male informant who preferred anonymity, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

34 Interview with one female informant who preferred anonymous, 20/06/2012, Gondär.

35 Ibid.

36 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu and Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

37 Interview with Wäyzäro Alemitu Degu and Ato Demelash Beyene, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

38 Ibid.

39 Interview with Wäyzäro Abeba Muluneh; Ato Worku Hussien & Wäyzäro Kidija Jebriel, 12/07/2012, Gondär.

40 Interview with Ato Sisay Muche, 21/06/2012, Gondär.

41 Interview with one female and one male informant who preferred anonymity, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

42 Interview with two female and two male informants who preferred anonymity, 01/07/2012, Gondär; Pankhurst, 1997, 460.

43 Interview with one female and one male informant who preferred anonymity, 25/07/2012, Gondär. But that is not mean Tigrean refrained their mother tongue, rather they prefer Amharic when they communicated with the rest Amhara settlers of the town and they used Tigrigna when they are at home and deal with their Tigre neighborhoods.

44 Interview with one male and two female informants who preferred anonymity, 29/06/2012, Gondär.

45 Interview with three male informants who preferred anonymity, 23/07/2012, Gondär.

46 Interview with Ato Molla Lisaneworqe and Ato Mengiste Melkie, 22/06/2012, Kollädebä and 21/07/2012, Gondär respectively.

47 Interview with Abä Mulu Shitaye, 22/06/2012 and Ato Hailu Berhane, 5/08/2020, Gondär. As an observer the researcher can be testimony to this long age Amhara-Tigre interaction in this iddir because the founding members of the two family offspring still involved in the historical interaction and integration.

48 Interview with Wäyzäro Lete -Berhan G/Michael, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

49 Interview with Ato Mulu Gebre-Kidan; Wäyzäro Tega Wondale and Ato Melku Ewnetu, 08/07/2012, Gondär.

50 Interview with Qäsé Askale-Marym Kassa, 8/07/2012, Gondär.

51 Interview with Ato Melku Ewnetu, 08/07/2012, Gondär.

52 Interview with one female informant who preferred anonymous, 20/06/2012, Gondär.

53 Interview with Ato Mamo Bidre and Ato Adugna Tegegne, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

54 Interview with Ato Messele Berihun and Mulu Gebre-Kidan, 08/07/2012, Gondär.

55 Interview with Ato Mamo Bidre and Ato Adugna Tegegne, 12/06/2012, Gondär.

56 Interview with Wäyzäro Kidija Jebriel, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

57 Interview with Shéikh Worku Hussien, 30/06/2012, Gondär.

58 Interview with Wäyzäro Kidija Jebriel, 25/07/2012, Gondär.

Definition of local terms.

Ato: Mr., Bändä: Ethiopian collaborators to the Italians, Blätägettä: learned men; advisors to the king, Burkutä: it’s a kind of local bread that beak by Tigrean travelers in an oven like stone. Before they went in to the jungle for charcoal production most of Tigrean handle flour and water, Fitäwräri: commander of the vanguard army, Gult: a government land worked by the peasant, Injera/tavita in Tigrena/: Ethiopian traditional pancake-like, fermented bread, Iddir: a traditional non-religious self-help institution, Iqub: a traditional saving and credit association, Itä: lottery, Mähäber: monthly feast associations where members are usually non-kinsmen celebrate in which the membership composed of non-kinsmen, Mäskäle: cross, Ras: a higher politico-military title inferior to Negus, Rist: hereditary ownership of land, Säfär: camp, Sembete: a weekend church religious feast, Shmagles: elders, sergena teff: a mixed color an African grass, yielding flour, tellä and teji bet: local beer grocers, Tezkär: praying ceremony for the forgiveness of the life after death in the heaven, Timket: Epiphany, Zikr: a religious feast in the EOTC (Ethiopia Orthodox Tewahido Church) tradition which is a get-together like ceremony in commemoration of the patron saints.