Morpho-semantic analysis of contemporary Swahili speakers’ linguistic innovations on microloan names

Abstract

Many studies on names have investigated the naming of people, plants, places, and inscriptions on transport facilities. However, very little is currently known about the naming of microloans, their connotations, and morphology. This article studied the Swahili speakers’ construct and connotations of microloan names in Tanzania. Data for this article was randomly generated from social media platforms, online newspapers, YouTube TV channels, and interviews with some debtors. Drawing on onoma-pragmatic approach in the semantic analysis of data, the findings show that the microloan names connote loan disbursement, loan repayment, loan goals, and loan adversities. Regarding the shapes of the microloan names, compounding, associative constructions, context-borrowing, and reduplication methods are the notable linguistic methods employed in the creation of the loan names. Essentially, this article unveils the Swahili speakers’ linguistic innovations on the creation and semantic connotations of the microloan names which reflect diverse experiences. Furthermore, it calls for the respective authorities to regularly review the interest rates charged by informal credit providers so as to create favourable conditions for both—moneylenders and borrowers.

Keywords:

• Kausha damu ‘drain blood’
• mikopo umiza ‘exorbitant loans’
• microloans
• naming
• Swahili
• Tanzania

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China

SUBJECTS:

• Economics
• Language and Linguistics
• Literature

Introduction

The utilitarian role of financial loans is mostly experienced in the midst of financial adversities. The financial dynamics triggered by various reasons in the world have intensified the need to access loans from formal institutions, such as banks, microfinance institutions (MFIs), and well-off persons. Such loans have been helpful to persons who do not meet the requirements of bank loans due to a lack of reliable collateral, such as land, secured jobs, or immovable properties (Sangwan et al., 2020, 2021). Literature on loans shows that the marginalized groups are recipients of loans from MFIs and other informal credit sources. This is a decisive move towards the economic liberation of such groups. Moneylenders enable recipients to initiate businesses and expand financial capitals (Nosratabadi, 2020). Job opportunities are created from business initiatives that have developed due to credits from MFIs. However, not all financial loans result in constructive outcomes. Some businesses collapse due to higher interest rates charged by some informal credit sources (Salifu et al., 2018).

Lately, there have been growing concerns over the disbursement of microloans, particularly, to low-income persons in Tanzania. Despite the fact that the provision of loans has been fruitful to the debtors, concerns are on the terms and conditions of microloans and loan repayment plans. The media outlets in Tanzania have been reporting adverse outcomes of the loans. Some defaulters have lost their marriages, whereas others have lost their household items, such as sofa sets, TV sets, stereos, automobiles, fridges, and other collaterals. The most affected groups include people with low income, such as housewives, and petty merchants. The confiscation of collaterals and debt collection strategies instill unpleasant feelings such that the debtors create connotative loan names to mirror various experiences. As a feature of a word’s meaning (Urban, 2015), Usunier and Shaner (2002, p. 215) hold the view that a name becomes connotative if its meaning relates to ‘key attributes and benefits’. The connotations can symbolize features/behavior of the bearer/entity. They reflect the impact that an expression carries based on one’s cultural behaviour (Omar, 2012). In most cases, individuals with a shared discourse can have a pool of linguistic expressions with the same/similar connotative interpretations (Wharton, 1995). Having a shared background with the nearby community, the debtors create connotative names to express their feelings toward the intricacies of microloans.

In recent years, there has been a growing academic interest in names and naming practice in Tanzania. An extensive body of scholarship has investigated names, naming practices, and circumstances behind the names. Scholars, such as Alphonce (2023), Buberwa (2017), Charwi (2019), Chipalo (2019), Lusekelo and Mtenga (2020), Manyasa (2008), Mdoe (2020), Msuya (2021), have profoundly documented on personal names in Sukuma, Cigogo, Datooga, Rombo-Chagga, northern Chasu, and Iraqw ethnic groups, respectively. Others, such as Heine and Legère (1995), Legère (2009), and Lusekelo and Amir (2023) have addressed plant names in Swahili, Vidunda, Sukuma, and Nyamwezi societies, respectively. Others, such as Ichumbaki et al. (2022) and Mapunda (2023) studied inscriptions on tricycles and fishing boats, respectively. These studies show resemblances and distinctions in naming practices. However, much attention has been paid to personal names and plant names. Little is known about microloan names, their connotations, and morphological shapes.

On that account, this study builds upon the growing body of scholarship on names and naming practices in Tanzania. It explores the dynamics of microloan names in digital and offline platforms. The main aims of this article are on the morphological constructions and semantic interpretations of the microloan names. It examines the linguistic techniques employed by debtors to coin the names. Moreover, it dissects the connotations of the names in relation to the borrowers’ experiences. However, it is worth noting that the loan names discussed here are not formally established. They are just creations of the debtors. Significantly, this study offers an opportunity to advance our understanding of the Swahili speakers’ linguistic creativity in the construction of microloan names to reflect the intricacies of the lending process, loan features, loan purposes, and loan repayment schemes.

Names and naming practices

Names and naming discourse have received a substantial attention over the years. Studies around the globe have been carried out relating naming practices and other discourses, such as gender and politics. One specific area of interest is that of toponyms. In some cases, political wishes and regime change inspire the changing of place names. Riazi (2019) reports the change of place names as an outcome of changes in Iran’s political ideology. Following the adoption of Islamic values as the country’s philosophy, and economic growth of the country, some feminine names borne by roads, especially highways were renamed to masculine ones. However, feminine and neutral names have been mostly placed on streets, dead ends, and on the boundaries of the cities. Riazi suggests that such kind of renaming mirrors Islamic perspectives on women who are often positioned under men. Zeini et al. (2018) posit that in Sinai Peninsula in Egypt, the criteria for naming places vary with respect to circumstances. Since names bear historical and social interpretations, some of the areas, such as Jabal Mousa ‘Moses’ Mountain’, and Mamsha al-Hujjaj ‘Pilgrim route’, have been named based on the history of Moses, and that of pilgrims’ path, respectively. Other criteria include a description of the areas with regard to the physical surroundings, personal names, development, and so forth. In some cases, the change of toponyms may escalate conflicts as reported by Short and Dubots (2020) in Korea—Japanese contest of renaming the Sea of Japan/East Sea. Given the fact that names carry with them the history and identity of a location, attempts to rename the sea have escalated instead of solving the tension between both countries. These circumstances reflect various challenging matters when names and naming practices are concerned.

Apart from place names which have had a considerable amount of attention, plant names also form another point of reference with regard to naming practices. Many societies in Tanzania are well known for their agricultural and animal keeping activities. In their encounters, most often, they come across challenges that play part in plant naming. Heine and Legère (1995) inform about various situations that influenced plant names in Swahili. Such determinants include origin, colour, size, smell, animal names, and the structure of plants. Similar observations were made by Legère (2009) in Vidunda society where he learned that over 100 stems of nouns for trees come from Swahili. Borrowing, compounding, and reduplication played a role in the construct of plant names exemplified by names, such as ichema-ndzuchi ‘Gloriosa simplex’, which amalgamates the pre-prefix i-, chema ‘call’, and ndzuchi ‘bee(s)’. A similar observation is reflected by Lusekelo and Amir (2023) in Nyamwezi and Sukuma societies in Tanzania. They point out that in forming plant names, compounding, reduplication, and associative constructions are employed. Plant names, such as finulampasa ‘axe breaker’, combines finula ‘break’, and mpasa ‘animal breaker’. Furthermore, stiffness and smoothness of plants may determine their names. The stiffness of finulampasa is the determinant factor of its name. Other than that, the physical surroundings as well as the product of the plants define their names. The plant name matunya ga ntumbili ‘shrub that produces pairs of fruits’ stems from the shape of the berries. The morphological processes involved in the creation of the names converge and diverge based on context.

Names and naming practices, however, are not confined to plants and places only. Other scholars have developed interest in names of maritime vessels. Scholarship on names of boats bring to surface interesting revelations. Dwyer et al. (2003) and Franzen (1967) point out similar determinants of boat names, such as personal names, place names, and names of animals. In his undertaking, Franzen found names, such as lamb, leopard, and birds, such as hani ‘rooster’, and høna ‘hen’ on the boats in Faroe Islands. Others include nicknames and derogatory expressions, and foreign names. Despite spatial and temporal variations, Dwyer et al. (2003) found a similar naming practice in Victoria, Australia. However, the variation was that all personal names of boats were feminine. It includes names of wives, daughters, girlfriends, and mothers. In Tanzania, Ichumbaki et al. (2022) studied the origin and meanings of the names of fishing boats in Bagamoyo, Coastal Region. They illustrate that the names of boats reflect religious beliefs, hope, slang and colloquial expressions, proverbs, politics, and relationships. Essentially, the names are not just identities. Embedded in the names are historical, economic, religious, and social experiences that determine the naming practices.

Another interest is in personal names which has received substantial attention from onomastics researchers. Many studies in this area have looked at various circumstances that determine personal naming. Literature informs that some societies bestow names with reference to chiefs and political figures. Chauke (2015) reports that in Vatsonga, this criterion is very common. Parents name their children after chiefs whose influence on the growth of the society was notable. The parents believe that naming their children that way would inspire good deeds. A similar practice has been discussed by Asheli (2017) cited in Chipalo (2019, p. 59) which some parents name their children after a famous political figure, such as Nyerere (Tanzania’s Father of the Nation) for his influence before and after independence. Other names include plant names and animals (Alphonce, 2023), religious affiliation (Msuya, 2021), time and seasons (Chipalo, 2019), birth circumstances, birth place, parents’ behaviour, and physical appearance of a child at birth. In Datooga ethnic group, for instance, a child is named Udábuubun from buubun ‘soft’ if his/her skin is soft (Mdoe, 2020, p. 133). These are some of the determinants of naming adopted by various societies. However, as suggested by Chipalo (2019) and Dwyer et al. (2003), connotations are embedded in names. Thus, research was necessary in this area as far as the loan names are concerned.

Methods

Considering the importance of theoretical and methodological approaches to any research work, the previous literature on names has significantly made valuable contributions to this article. Essentially, this study borrowed the onoma-pragmatic approach from Chipalo (2019) for interpreting the connotations of the microloan names. This approach allows one to examine and interpret names of entities, and the message embedded within the names with respect to the makers of the names. With regard to the morphological analysis of the names, the method was adopted from Lusekelo and Amir (2023) and Zeini et al. (2018).

In line with the qualitative design, which calls for a multiplicity of data collection methods (Dörnyei, 2011), this article involved several data collection methods. Firstly, the study analysed of social media content on Instagram, Facebook, and Jamii Forums. Most microloan names were obtained from the comment sections that allow netizens to share feelings, experiences, and opinions on a given topic. On Instagram, the loan names were acquired from comments’ sections of TBC Online, and the Chanzo Initiative. Secondly, the study reviewed online newspapers on special reports on the loans from Mwananchi newspaper,¹ Times-Majira,² and IPP Media.³ Furthermore, the study obtained other loan names from reports shared on YouTube channels by Millard Ayo,⁴ Mwananchi Digital,⁵ TimesMajira TV,⁶ Azam TV,⁷ and ITV TANZANIA.⁸ These channels aired special reports on microloans and the reporters interviewed some debtors about the loans. Lastly, I had the privilege to carry out interviews with a few borrowers on the interpretations of the microloan names.

Connotations of microloan names

The coining of microloan names is an arbitrary act. As we have already observed in earlier studies, names and naming systems, at some point, vary from one culture to another. However, consensus has also been observed. Correlations, particularly on determinants of names underlined by history, social affairs, circumstances, seasons, and other factors determine the personal names. But the dataset gathered from the microloan names illustrates distinctive influences.

The present study collected a total of 29 microloan names whose interpretation was generated from debtors and defaulters through special reports aired by online TV stations, newspapers, and social media platforms. As shown in Table 1, the pain and bitter experiences theme has the highest number of items, while the other two have the lowest number of items. The results are presented in the following subsections: the first subsection includes a semantic analysis of the microloan names. Essentially, the discussion revolves around the literal and connotative meanings. The second subsection involves the examination of morphological formations of the names. These analyses offer the borrowers’ experiences as well as linguistic manipulation of language.

Table 1. Categories of microloan names.

Categories	Number of names	Percentages %
Painful and unpleasant experiences	19	65.6
Quickness of disbursement and repayment of loans	5	17.2
Loan purpose	5	17.2
Total	29	100

Painful and unpleasant experiences

As can be observed in Table 2, the painful and unpleasant theme comprises a large portion of the names. This is an indication that most borrowers go through pain and suffering once they secure the microloans. Reports from newspapers, online TVs, and conversations with borrowers reveal that the amount of money borrowed is not sufficient to cover all the requirements of a business. As such, they go through challenging experiences the moment they are required to repay the loan (known as rejesho). The accounts of some borrowers show that the process of acquiring the loans is very quick and smooth. The borrower is required to visit the creditors’ office with an introductory letter from the Ward Executive Office. In contrast with large credit firms, such as banks which need immovable properties, such as land and houses, the loan sharks prefer movable collaterals, such as sofa sets, fridges, radio sets, dinner tables, and so forth.

Table 2. Microloan names that reflect painful and unpleasant experiences.

Microloan names	Literal meaning	Connotation
kausha damu	Drain blood	Exorbitant loan
chupi mkononi	Underwear in hand	Being ready for sex as loan repayment
mkopo umiza	Hurtful loan	Exorbitant loan
cha moto	(….) of hot	Something hurtful
kausha figo na bandama	Dry kidney and spleen	Exorbitant loan
pasua moyo	Heartache	Usury
tanuka moyo	Cardiomegaly	Loan that causes heartache
pasua kichwa	Burst head	Loan that causes headache
kichefuchefu	Nausea	Loan that disturbs debtor’s state of mind
chanika msamba	Leg split	Being ready for sex as loan repayment
kichurachura	Frog jump	Pain
vua chupi	Undress underwear	Being ready for sex as loan repayment
kata funua	Cut open	Painful loan similar to an aggressive attack
oyaoya	Microcredit company	Warning call to evade debt collection agents
kibangala	Moneylender	Loan
matone	Drops	Sweat
boma la usweke	House of usweke	Room/house for sex
wakija, sipo	If they come, I’m not here	Way to evade debt collection agents
komando	Commando	Loan that strengthens one

Once the collaterals are confirmed, the borrower’s home place is visited to confirm the presence of the collaterals. Then, the loan is disbursed. Such a process can take a few days. Afterwards, the debtors must repay an amount of money every day. In the case of a single default by the debtor, they are obligated to pay a penalty of up to 50% of the daily returns. A prolonged failure results in the confiscation of collaterals. Hence, the debtors need to work hard to accomplish daily repayments. As such, the debtors have created connotative names to mirror unpleasant experiences of the repayment plans. The expressions kausha damu, kausha figo na bandama, and mkopo umiza, connote the loan which takes everything from the borrower and leads to monetary and emotional distress. This is attributed to high interest rates of up to 50%. The pasua moyo, pasua kichwa, and cha moto names reflect almost the same experiences. The borrowers contemplate that such loans results in headache and heartache that ‘burns’ the whole body mostly when one thinks of daily repayments. They label the loans as kichefuchefu to reflect the borrower’s state of mind when the daily/weekly repayment is due.

In body exercise, msamba ‘leg split’ and kichurachura ‘frog jump’ are conventional. However, in loan repayment, they are sensed as a punishment when one does not engage in daily body workouts. Kata funua is a conventional expression in police-protestor encounters in Tanzania. It is a ferocious attack in which an assailant riskily tackles both legs of a victim. Thus, in microloans, the name refers to a situation in which the borrowers are weakened financially and emotionally. Two weird expressions are vua chupi, and chupi mkononi. Vua chupi illustrates a circumstance in which a female borrower offers herself for sexual intercourse to earn money for loan repayment. In some instances, according to borrowers, sexual intercourse is offered to debt collectors. Therefore, the collector repays the day’s/week’s debt on behalf of the borrower. Chupi mkononi portrays a sexual orientation in which some debtors engage in prostitution to catch up with repayment plans.

Boma la usweke refers to a lodge/guest house/room/that individuals can utilise for sex. Sweka ‘put someone’, a Swahili word, usually collocates with ndani ‘inside’. In most cases, it refers to the act of locking up an accused in police holding cell. Through a WhatsApp shared video, one woman explained that when one defaults the daily rejesho, the (male) debt collector can take (a female) defaulter to the boma la usweke for a sexual act. Afterwards, the collector pays for the woman’s rejesho. Oyaoya stems from Oya Microcredit Company. This name is comparable to Kibangala, which represents an informal moneylender. Matone ‘(water) drops’, connotes ‘sweat’. An account of one Facebook user added that women become very sweaty because of working hard from dusk to dawn to earn money for rejesho. Komando represents the loan with difficult terms and conditions. These challenges strengthen them like military commandos. The borrowers are often on the move. Sometimes, they flee their home places once they see debt collectors coming. As such, others named the loans wakija sipo ‘if they come, I’m not around’. Essentially, the names connote the challenges and circumstances behind the naming.

Quickness of disbursement and repayment of loans

Debtors’ accounts showcase that one among various reasons that make most low-income persons fall for microloans is the rapidity of disbursement of loans. Unlike large financial institutions, which often have lengthy and bureaucratic procedures, microcredit companies and loan sharks are fast in handing out requested loans. As said earlier, the process can be completed in few days once the borrower meets the loan requirements which include declaring movable collaterals as proof of eligibility. Most loan sharks are not interested in immovable materials since they cannot move them to their offices. In repayments, the process is almost the same. The debtor must initiate the loan repayment on the same day of disbursement. Some debtors find the absence of a grace period irritating because of the limited time to repay the loan, which increases the chances of defaulting. Situations turn sour when the repayments are defaulted, even for a single day, as loan sharks pay a visit to the borrower’s home or business premises. Some defaulters run away from their homes to avoid harassment and embarrassment (Table 3).

Table 3. Microloan names that reflect quickness of disbursement and repayment.

Microloan names	Literal meaning	Connotation
mwendokasi	Speed	Fast loan
mkopo fasta	Fast loan	Fast loan
zimamoto	Fire brigade/fire extinguisher	Immediate solution to financial burden
leo leo	(Must be) today	Daily loan repayment
halichachi	(Something that) never get rot/sour	Daily loan repayment

The names here represent the fastness of disbursement as well as repayments of the microloans. The term mwendokasi is an established Swahili word. It was mostly used when the government of Tanzania begun the construction of bus rapid transit popularly known as mwendokasi in 2016 in Dar es Salaam. The term was captured by media houses since the road system was anticipated to become a panacea for the poor, slow, and congested transport systems in the City. The loans have been named as such as they are disbursed quickly and a client is required to start loan repayment on the same day. Similarly, as the name entails, mkopo fasta reflects the processing of the loan. When someone needs emergency funds, microloans are often considered. The term zimamoto has been used connotatively to echo the response of fire and rescue services in case of emergencies. A person troubled with financial issues can be ‘rescued’ by loan sharks in a timely manner. As such, a swiftly disbursed loan becomes the ‘fire extinguisher’ to their financial problem.

For emphatic purpose, one may reduplicate the Swahili word leo ‘today’ to indicate urgency. Thus, leo leo simply shows something must be done or take place today. With regard to the loans, the name reflects daily repayments. That is, repayments must be made on a daily basis. Other than that, penalties and fines are added on top of the loan. The last expression, halichachi, is mostly used in relation to food and beverages. It is an opposite of chacha ‘rot/sourness’. The term has been used by one of the telecom firms in Tanzania as the name of a package/bundle with no time expiration. Today, it is embraced by borrowers to mirror one popular feature of microloans, i.e. payments must be made on time. These names illustrate popular characteristics of the loans. Contrary to banks which provide a grace period before the debtor repays the loan, moneylenders in microcredit establishments demand prompt repayments in a daily/weekly fashion.

Names that reflect loan purpose

Besides higher interest rates, another reason many borrowers fail to achieve their goals is attributed to the lack of purpose. Uncertainties of cash-flow after acquiring a loan are due to the fact that some borrowers spend the money on other activities rather than the pre-planned purposes. As indicated earlier, the lack of financial education is a crucial factor in business failures. Experts in this field call for the debtors to stick to the plan for which the loan is sought. Experiences demonstrate that some debtors in Tanzania spend the loans on clothes, birthday gifts, and other activities that are not profitable. However, it is for a fact that some people take loans for various aims, not only for businesses. Regarding the present study, some microloan names reveal the purposes of loans (Table 4).

Table 4. Microloan names reflecting loan purposes.

Microloan names	Literal meaning	Connotation
rusha roho	Throw/toss spirit	Show-off/flaunt
mbogamboga	Vegetables	Loan for household food
shikilia dera	Hold a dera (gown)	Loan for party’s attire
shavu bwebwea	Chubby cheeks	Much money
Mwagilia moyo	Water the heart	Loan for self-enjoyment/alcohol consumption

As can be seen, the loan names point out that not all microloans are for business drives. It is one of the contemplated challenges of microloans taken by low-income individuals, especially women in low class residencies. For instance, rusha roho ‘show-off/flaunt’ is a kind of loan one takes so as to fund a music group, expensive clothes, etc. with an ultimate purpose of showing-off and bragging against a rival woman. This situation can occur in polygamous relationships (which may not be connected through marriages) in which two women share one man. The bragging woman can visit the rival’s house showing-off her dresses with vigorous dances and provoking songs. In some instances, according to some debtors, it can occur between enemies who were once best friends. Thus, one secures the rusha roho loan to heighten her financial capacity. Shikilia dera is similar to rusha roho. Dera is a woman’s gown-like dress. Shikilia dera as a loan enables a borrower to purchase a dera to attend parties, such as birthday parties, young girl’s day out, known as kumtoa mwali,⁹ weddings, music parties known as kigodoro ‘lit. small mattresses’, and ‘confrontations’—it happens when one gossips on another and everything comes to light. The term mbogamboga comes from a Swahili word mboga—it can be meat, fish, vegetables, etc.) that go together with the main course (rice, chips, banana, etc.). For instance, one respondent explained that members of their group take this loan for household necessities, food in particular. Shavu bwebwea simply refers to the loan that boosts debtor’s financials such that they become fat-looking with chubby cheeks. Mwagilia moyo ‘imbibe’ is a very popular phrase among drinkers. It has been derived from two famous Tick-Tok Tanzanian comedians who used the expression to promote self-enjoyment through alcohol consumption. These names simply connote the ultimate purposes of loans. As it has been observed, the name can reveal its aim or the intent of the giver.

Morphological properties of microloan names

Essentially, the morphology of names involves several word-formation processes. Such processes may vary from one context to another. A name may comprise a word or more. In other words, a structure of names may consist of modifiers. As Heine and Legère (1995, p. 218) exemplify, modifiers in Swahili plant names carry information related to the structure of a plant, inhabitation, source, dimension, colour, odor, and faunas. Legère (2009) categorises Vidunda plant names into simple (i-dzoba—Acacia robusta), compound (i-chemandzuchi—Gloriosa simplex), and complex (lw-enya lwa kumuhulo—Cissus rubiginosa). Legère’s study reveals compounding, partial and total reduplication, as the main name-forming methods.

Similarly, Lusekelo and Amir (2023) illuminate compounding and reduplication, and associative constructions in Sukuma and Nyamwezi plant names. In such names, prefixes communicate several information, such as plant locations, gender, ethnicity, growth manner, and names of an owner. Generally, the structure of names carries information in which, historical, social, anthropological, geographical details are conveyed. As data in Table 5 illustrate, microloan names have been classified into three, i.e. one-word, two-word, and multiple-word names. Basically, compounding, reduplication, context-borrowing, and associative phrases methods have been observed in the creation of the names. These processes are discussed in the subsequent sections.

Table 5. Structure of microloan names.

One-word names	Two-word names	Multiple-word names
mbogamboga	shavu bwebwea	kausha figo na bandama
kichefuchefu	chupi mkononi	boma la usweke
kichurachura	shikilia dera
mwendokasi	mkopo umiza
halichachi	rusha roho
kibangala	mkopo fasta
zimamoto	pasua moyo
komando	cha moto
matone	kata funua
leoleo	vua chupi
	wakija sipo
	chanika msamba

Compounding method

Compounding is said to be one of the earliest word-form processes (Semenza & Luzzatti, 2014). It involves an amalgamation of two words/lexemes. Structurally, a compound word can contain a headword and a modifier (headed compounds). In some cases, the constituents of a compound word may share head-like properties. Moreover, the meaning of a compound word can relate to its constituents, or it can become metaphorical. Legère (2009) and Lusekelo and Amir (2023) display the richness of compounding in plant names. In the present study, compounding method is the dominant microloan naming process. We found that almost all names in two-word category, and few in the one-word category featured compounding process (Table 6).

Table 6. Microloan compound names.

Constituent 1	Gloss 1	Constituent 2	Gloss 2	Compound word
mwendo	Motion	kasi	Speed	mwendokasi
zima	Extinguish	moto	Fire	zimamoto
kausha	Drain	damu	Blood	kausha damu
pasua	Break	moyo	Heart	pasua moyo

In most cases, constituents that create a compound word belong to the same or different word categories. A compound word can comprise a V + V combination, an N + V combination, or an N + N com­bination. Some amalgamations are more productive in some languages, but not in others. In Spanish, the N + N combination is less effective, while the V + N pattern is more effective (Güemes et al., 2019). The compound word can fall into a word category similar to one constituent or a different category. The dataset of this study reveals several combinations (Table 7).

Table 7. Compound constituents and their categorizations.

Categories	Constituent 1	Constituent 1	Compound and word category
V + N compound	pasua	kichwa	pasua kichwa (N)
	shikilia	dera	shikilia dera (N)
	rusha	roho	rusha roho (N)
	chanika	msamba	chanika msamba (N)
	vua	chupi	vua chupi (N)
N + N compound	mwendo	kasi	mwendokasi (N)
	mkopo	fasta	mkopo fasta (N)
V + V compound	kata	funua	kata funua (N)
	wakija	sipo	wakija sipo (N)
N + V compound	mkopo	umiza	mkopo umiza (N)
N + Adj compound	shavu	bwebwea	shavu mbwembwea (N)
N + Adv compound	chupi	mkononi	chupi mkononi (N)

This word formation process is quite common in several languages of the world including Bantu languages. Literature on compounding unveils a relatively high number of compound words constructed by combining certain word categories with others (Ilonga, 2016; Musehane, 2004, 2007). Similarly, the microloan names indicate a relatively high number of items merged by verb + noun combination. The verbs in this context are often associated with an action or experience. Such verbs indicate pain, hurt, or experience. For instance, pasua ‘break’, chanika ‘torn’, rusha ‘throw’, represent painful experiences. Others, such as vua ‘undress’, zima ‘extinguish/switch off’, shikilia ‘hold something’ refers to actions often carried out by borrowers. Other combinations, such as noun + adverb, verb + verb, noun + noun, and noun + adjective are less productive.

Reduplication method

It is widely recognized that reduplication is involved in materializing a language’s lexicon. This is true to languages, such as Nyakyusa (Tanzania), Turkish, Luganda (Uganda), Indonesian, just to mention a few. Reduplication involves either the repetition of part of a word (partial), or the whole word (full) (O’Grady & Archibald, 2016; Dawson & Phelan, 2016). Previous studies reveal that reduplication serves several functions including continuation, repetition of action/events, or marking frequency/intensity. With regard to plant names, Legère (2009) shows the utility of partial and full reduplication of stems in Vidunda’s plant names. Similarly, Lusekelo and Amir (2023) demonstrate that reduplicated items in Sukuma and Nyamwezi mark odor of plants, diminutives, and intensity (Table 8).

Table 8. Reduplication in microloan names.

Full reduplication	Partial reduplication
mbogamboga	kichurachura
leoleo	kichefuchefu
oyaoya

On one hand, partial reduplication is illustrative in kichurachura and kichefuchefu. Kichurachura has been derived from chura ‘frog’. With an omission of a manner-marking prefix ki-, the stem chura is copied as churachura. The retaining of ki- following the repetition of the stem reflects frog’s locomotion. In this context, it connotes the pain and suffering one goes through when forced to imitate frog jumps. The prefix ki- in kichefuchefu places the name in noun class 3. On the other hand, the data present three names with complete reduplication which involves the copying of the entire item. The word mboga ‘recipe that goes with main dish’ is fully copied. But the repetition changes its meaning to ‘variety of recipes’ or ‘vegetables’. Regarding the microloans, it connotes the financial assistance that enables one to buy foodstuff. The repetition of leo in leoleo emphasizes daily repayments. The reduplication of oya in oyaoya, according to debtors’ accounts, warns about the coming of debt collectors who follow-up on defaulters. When one shouts ‘oyaoya’, defaulters tend to ‘slip’ away. Accordingly, it suffices to argue that reduplication in microloan names specifies manner, warning, emphasis, noun class, and meaning extension.

Associative construction method

Associative language constructions have been attested in Bantu languages. The constructions comprise three or more words. These structures, despite having three or more words, are often nominals. Kula (2009) classifies such constructions as argument associative phrases, e.g. ùkúúlú kwà nkókó ‘leg of chicken’ (chicken’s leg), and non-argument associative phrases, e.g. kà.kaángálílá wa pàmùlábásà ‘caretaker of radio’ (radio presenter) in Bemba. Similar expressions are attested in plant names in Vidunda, Nyamwezi, and Sukuma. Legère (2009) presents plant names that consist of associative markers, e.g. ichima lya ng’huku ‘thigh of chicken’ which simply refers to clerodendrum myricoides. The names reflect the shape of the plant. These adnominal phrases specify details about plant shape, habitat, color, fauna, etc.

Lusekelo and Amir (2023) affirm the presence of plant names with associative phrases exemplified by ifumbi lya ng’ong’oi ‘a small seasonal herb’. The meaning expressed by the whole name relies on the relationship between the two lexical items. The dataset of the present study shows two complex names: boma la usweke, and kausha figo na bandama. As elaborated earlier, boma ‘an unfinished house’ and usweke ‘sex’ are linked with la ‘of’ (house for sex). The linking marker la plays a locative role in this case. The three words depend on each other to construct the name of microloan as it connotes alternative means of loan repayments. The other one, kausha figo na bandama includes four words. Contrary to other dataset in previous studies, this one consists of the verb kausha ‘dry’, followed by a complex noun phrase figo na bandama ‘kidney and spleen’. The verb kausha connotes the way microloan names affect the well-being of borrowers.

Context-borrowing method

Semantic change, as part of language borrowing, takes place on a continuous basis. Meanings of words do change over time (O’Grady & Archibald, 2016). In some instances, the new meaning of a word becomes metaphorical in which the earlier and new meanings are in a congruent relationship (Urban, 2015). The similarity of the meanings varies with respect to temporal and spatial factors. In language(s) of advertising studies, Mapunda and Ilonga (2022, p. 116) informed about the semantic extension of English loanwords, such as laini ‘line’ which refers to ‘a telephone wired connection’ whose new meaning in the digital era is broadened to ‘sim card’. Quite often, meanings of words, especially connotations, change based on topic and/or location as elaborated in the microloan names kibangala, komando, matone, and cha moto. As clarified earlier, kibangala, as a microloan name, has been borrowed from an actual name of an informal moneylender. The same is applicable to the name komando ‘commando’ whose meaning relates to harsh conditions that commandos go through in trainings and at work extends to borrowers’ repayment experiences. Similarly, the name matone, which in this context refers to ‘sweat’ that wets the debtors echoes the severity of loan repayments. The loan name cha moto ‘of hot’ is a truncated form that often entails a painful condition one can come across. It often collocates with watakiona/utakiona ‘they will face/see’. Thus, utakiona cha moto ‘you would face the pain’ has been extended from the word moto ‘fire’. Given that the microloan names are not contact-induced, I suggest ‘context-borrowing’ to account for the adoption of the meanings of such expressions from one context to another one.

Discussion

Circumstances that determine the names of entities may vary depending on context. As presented earlier in personal names, for instance, circumstances of birth, seasons, skin colour, just to mention a few, can influence naming of a newly-born child. Similarly, in place names, physical features, and socio-political decisions may play a role in naming places, such as roads. Regarding the microloan names, there are several determining factors. One of them is the disbursement of loans. These loans are disbursed very quickly when one thoroughly meets terms and conditions. This is exemplified by connotative names, such as mwendokasi, leoleo, and halichachi. The repayment schemes also reflect such loan names. Another determining factor is illustrated through painful experiences. In most cases, the debtors work very hard to repay the loans. As such, the pain and sufferings they experience influence names, such as kausha damu, and pasua kichwa. Moreover, vulnerability of the borrowers, women in particular, determines loan names, such as chupi mkononi, and vua chupi. Women are in helpless position when they default the loans. At times, they engage in sex acts to earn money for loan repayment. Such vulnerability often leads to the formation of connotative names that reflect their situation. The loan purpose serves as an additional factor in microloan naming. This can be best exemplified by such connotative loan names as shikilia dera, and rusha-roho. Since some social activities, such as weddings and birthday parties are celebrated, demands for money, clothes, food, and drinks rise. Thus, the needy take microloans to fund such engagements. Thus, the names echo the purpose of the borrower. In general, the microloan names in this discourse bring forth to the way people creatively name the loans to mirror various life encounters.

The morphological configuration of names, be it personal, place, or any other, is of particular interest. It is evidently elaborated in onomastics studies (Lusekelo & Amir, 2023; Zeini et al., 2018). Names are made up of one or more words. In some instances, words for names are embedded with prefixes, roots, modifiers, and linking markers. These morphological parts are concatenated through various processes, such as compounding, reduplication, coining, and many others. The microloan names reveal the same behaviour. The presence of one-word names (e.g. matone), two-word names (e.g. mkopo umiza), and three-word names (e.g. boma la usweke) definitely resemble other similar studies on names. Several morphological strategies, such as reduplication and compounding have been involved. In the case of two-word names, for example, a compound vua chupi, the left-most word vua ‘undress’ shows an action carried out by the debtor. The second one, chupi ‘underwear’ is the modifier that completes the meaning of the name. Basically, these constituents depend on each other in meaning-making. This discourse simply lightens the potentiality of such strategies in the naming processes.

Nevertheless, despite the potentialities of microloans to the communities as they financially help the needy ones in the moments of economic hardships, the names of the loans are a wake-up call. Given the fact that there have been concerns about the challenges of these loans to the debtors, it is prime time for the responsible authorities intervened. The names carry messages of pain and sufferings. Most borrowers are of low-income with low or no knowledge about loans, interest rates, and repayment plans. Such kind of vulnerability may tempt loan sharks to take advantage of the situation. Terms and conditions should be frequently regulated by the authorities to establish favourable conditions for both—the moneylenders and the borrower—to benefit from loan transactions.

Conclusion

Research on names in areas other than people, places, plants, and transportation facilities has often been overlooked. Despite heavy discussions on microloans and their issues in online and offline communication platforms (radio programs, special reports, online forums, etc.) in Tanzania, very little attention has been invested in the intricacies of informal microloan names in relation to language. Nevertheless, this study area is endowed with rich information relevant to our contemporary experiences. In line with this research gap, this study was set out to explore the ways Swahili speakers use language skills to create microloan names. The main focus was on morphological strategies and semantic connotations of the names. This study has brought forth the ways Swahili speakers construct the loan names to reflect loan disbursement, repayment schemes, and collaterals. The microloan names reveal painful and unkind experiences, distribution of loans, loan purposes, and so forth. Compounding, reduplication, context-borrowing, and associative constructions methods seem to play a crucial role in the construct of the microloan names.

The results of this study illustrate sameness and variations. Correlations between this article’s results and the previous ones are observed in the word formation processes involved in the construction of the microloan names. On the other hand, it has been noted that the informal naming of microloans is similar to the naming of tricycles (Mapunda, 2023) and fishing boats (Ichumbaki et al., 2022). However, the circumstances that determine the names of the microloan names vary from personal names, plant names, and place names. The information embedded in the microloan names, besides reflecting unkind experiences, they also serves as a warning that necessitates an immediate intervention by the accountable authorities mainly on the regulation of interest rates charged by microcredit organizations. Appropriate measures must be taken to protect the borrowers from harmful loan experiences.

Acknowledgements

I am sincerely grateful to Happylight Lyimo, and Selina Wayimba, from Dar es Salaam University College of Education (DUCE) for their invaluable assistance in data collection.

Disclosure statement

The authors declare there is no Complete of Interest at this study.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Emmanuel Ilonga

Emmanuel Ilonga is a lecturer in linguistics at the Dar es Salaam University College of Education (DUCE)—a constituent college of the University of Dar es Salaam. He holds a PhD in Linguistics from the University of Dar es Salaam, and MA (linguistics) from the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. He teaches linguistics courses that relate to phonology, syntax, morphology, and semantics. His research interests are in Bantu linguistics, onomastics, linguistic landscape, foreign language learning, translanguaging, sociolinguistics, and semiotics. Some of his recent publications include ‘Complementarity of communicative modes on meaning making in Tanzania’s digital telecom marketing: A social semiotic multimodal perspective’, Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, volume 40(1), 2022; ‘Lexical Innovation through Swahilisation of English Lexicon in Online Advertisements’, Utafiti Journal, volume 17, 2022; and ‘Linguistic innovations in a multilingual digital advertising context in Tanzania: a translanguaging perspective’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 2023.

Notes

1 https://www.mwananchi.co.tz/.

2 https://timesmajira.co.tz/.

3 https://www.ippmedia.com/en.

4 https://www.youtube.com/@millardayoTZA.

5 https://www.youtube.com/@Mwananchidigital.

6 https://www.youtube.com/@TimesMajiraTv.

7 https://www.youtube.com/@azamtvtz.

8 https://www.youtube.com/@ITVTanzaniaTz.

9 In some ethnic societies in Tanzania such as Makonde, and Zaramo, young girls, after primary education, are taken away from home for few months for cultural rituals. In these rituals, the girls are taught how to take care of themselves, their future husbands, sexual intercourse, and how to raise a family. The final day is the celebratory one popularly known as kumtoa mwali ‘lit. to unveil a potential wife’ in public.