The Doba of Ethiopia In the 15th and 16th Centuries

Abstract

This review article is a historical narrative of the Doba people, who inhabited the Northeast Amhara region and Southern Tigray in what is now referred to as Raya, Ethiopia. The timeframe under consideration spans from ancient times until their eventual assimilation into the local communities. Despite the challenge of scant direct memory among the current residents of Raya, the historical traces of the Doba people are discovered through diverse sources such as chronicles, accounts from travelers, and church documents, either presented in translation or referenced within secondary materials. The article seeks to illuminate various aspects of the Doba people’s existence during the 15th and 16th centuries. This includes exploring their way of life, the geographical context of Raya, and the fluid nature of the Doba identity as it transformed interactions with other communities.

Keywords:

• Doba
• Ethiopia
  
• Intermingling
• Location
  
• Raya

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Samuel Adu-Gyamfi, History and Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology College of Arts and Social Science, Kumasi, Ghana

SUBJECTS:

• African Studies
• Social & Cultural History
• African History

1. Introduction

The historical tapestry of Africa, including Ethiopia, is woven with diverse threads of migration, cultural assimilation, and the establishment of distinct communities. Ethiopians, like many other Africans, have undergone a series of historical processes that have shaped their societies. A notable chapter in Ethiopia’s history involves waves of immigrants from the southern regions of the Arabian Peninsula who introduced Semitic culture and languages to the region. This migration, dating back to the 7th century B.C., led to the settlement of these communities along the African coast of the Red Sea and the Ethiopian Plateau, contributing to the rich cultural mosaic of the country (Erlich, 1994, 3). Ethiopian society, since ancient times, has been characterized by a conglomeration of various ethnic and linguistic communities. The Adulis inscription, dating to the second half of the third century A.D., offers a glimpse into the considerable ethnic diversity present in areas that now constitute Eritrea, Tigray, parts of Wollo, and Gondar. This diversity is further accentuated by the presence of large Muslim populations, such as the Cushitic-speaking Afar, Saho, and Somali in the eastern lowlands, as well as the Semitic-speaking Adari of Harer, coexisting with Christian communities scattered across the nation (Marcus, 1994, xii). Economically, Ethiopia’s major activities revolve around trade and agriculture, reflecting the varied ethnic and linguistic composition of its population. The fabric of Ethiopian society is interwoven with threads of cultural and religious diversity, with followers of three main monotheistic faiths coexisting in harmony. Of the population of the country, trade and agriculture represented as major types of economic activities, varied ethnic and linguistic threads found, and three main monotheistic faiths are practiced (Pankhurst, 1990, x).

Within this rich historical context, the Doba people emerge as an intriguing yet enigmatic facet. While historical awareness of the Doba exists, comprehensive discussions regarding their identity, location, and fate are conspicuously absent. Scholars and travelers have postulated that the Doba presented challenges to the central government and traders passing through their territory However, existing references lack meaningful and logically argued explanations. In this case, scholars attribute the decline of the Doba to factors like contagious diseases, conflicts with local communities, government intervention, and the arrival of the Oromo while some other depicted as they totally finished. In the broader narrative of a multi-ethnic Ethiopia, this paper seeks to narrate the intricacies of Doba existence, aiming to elucidate their historical context and, more specifically, their relationship with the Oromo people. By addressing these fundamental questions, it contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of Ethiopia’s intricate historical tapestry.

2. Methods and materials

Historical research involves studying past events, people, or phenomena to gain insights into their causes, effects, and significance. It relies on analyzing primary and secondary sources, such as documents, artifacts, or oral histories. Therefore, qualitative methods employed to unravel the Doba case. Qualitative research, as endorsed by Patton (2015), proves indispensable in capturing the richness and intricacies of complex social phenomena that quantitative methods may overlook. In this regard, it would be feasible to understand the subjective experiences, meanings, and perspectives of the Doba, which had presented as the name of the people and kingdom.

To comprehend the subjective experiences, meanings, and perspectives of the Doba, qualitative data collection methods are applied. Primary sources like chronicles and traveler accounts serve as invaluable repositories of non-numerical information. Additionally, both published and unpublished written materials are consulted, ensuring a comprehensive exploration of historical nuances. Textual analysis emerges as a key tool for the available sources to gain profound insights into the Doba’s history.

Ensuring the reliability and validity of the findings, the research triangulates data from books and unpublished materials with primary sources. This methodological rigor enhances the credibility of the historical narrative, offering a nuanced understanding of the Doba and their historical significance.

3. The geographic context of Doba

The location of the Doba people has been a subject of historical discourse, with various sources providing insights into their habitat. According to Isenberg and Krapf (1843, 16), the Doba were identified as a pastoralist community residing in the mountainous regions situated to the southwest of Denkil, Dankil, which were on the other side of the historic Zobul Mountain, is now referred to as Afar region. The mountain Zobul was under Qeda territory which was an immediate neighbor to the Doba in the east. Historical records suggest that Zobul Mountain, where the Doba were thought to dwell, had a reputation for brigandage, characterized by its association with the Doba and their notorious activities (Crawford, 1958, 93). However, the adjacent territories, including Qeda, Bugna, Wag, Lasta, and Angot, were also mentioned in relation to the southeast of Tigre (Merid, 1971, 30). Merid (1971) further explained that Qeda, located immediately to the east of Bugna and south of Azabo plains, included the mountains of Zobul and the surrounding lowlands inhabited by the Doba and related pastoralist communities. The region to the south of Wajarat, near the more fertile plains of Azabo, was also populated by the Doba. He further stated that Angot was relatively the largest of these provinces which stretching from Alamata River to Lake Haiq where one of the oldest monasteries called Haiq Eastifanos (9thC) was situated. Therefore, Angot and Qeda were mentioned as areas where the Doba expanded. It’s important to note that the Doba were not the sole inhabitants of the Zobul region. Merid (1971) suggested the presence of other people, possibly Afars or Qeda, living alongside the Doba in the Zobul and its surrounding areas. The lack of precise definitions in historical sources makes it challenging to distinguish between these groups in Qedda territory.

During the reign of Ba’da Maryam, the governor of Angote and Qedda held the title of Bahr Negash, emphasizing the strategic importance of these territories controlling trade routes and approaches to the sea (Nichico, 2003). While Qedda had well-defined governance and strategic significance, the rulers of Doba did not share a similar title. Due to their location along important trade routes most of the kings often had a closer look. Nevertheless, between peoples in Qedda and Doba, there was no well-known significant difference as most of the sources are scarce and failed to depict the people in Qedda territory.

Alvarez’s travel account from 1881 added another perspective to the geography of the Doba. They were kept into subjection by the ruler of Jan-amora, a district on the northern frontier of the Doba (Alvarez, 1881, 112; Crawford, 1958, 74). Farso was on the frontier between Tigre and the Moors of Doba. It may probably be today’s Maichew, the last battle where the Ethiopian army and the Italians fought on the northern front in the 1930s. The Jan-amora regiments were formed to protect the surrounding territory of Angot, a province contiguous to Lasta, known for its association with the Zagwe kings and the monolithic rock Hewan churches of Lalibela (Merid, 1997, 36). Oral information passed down through generations also contributes to the understanding of the Doba’s location. Using Oral information from forefathers, Kibrom (2005, 36) affirmed that the Doba were settled in today’s Southern Tigray, extending up to the Ala Wuha River (Kibrom, 2005, 36).

Therefore, it would be convincing to say that the location of Doba was between Enderta, Angote, and Afar, and its southern tip most probably was River Ala. The presence of neighboring communities, such as the Afars and Qeda, added complexity to the region’s demographics. The strategic importance of trade routes and sea approaches made the Doba territory of interest to rulers. The name ‘Doba’ was indicative of the place and the early settlers. This expansive area, encompassing Raya Kobo and Raya Azabo (locally known as Raya-Rayuma) today, was the homeland of the Doba. The Ala Wuha River served as one of the dividing lines between the Doba and Angot, with the latter now represented by the Yejju region.

Source: https://reddit.com/r/MapPorn/comm…

4. Doba’s origin, period of appearances, lives, and the nature of the lands they inhabited

The origins of the Doba are multifaceted, with varying perspectives from available sources. One prevalent theory suggests their affiliation with the ‘Afar stock’, asserting their presence in the eastern spurs of the plateau, maintaining a lasting existence (Trimingham, 1952, 90; Hassen, 2000, 8). Another variant tradition suggests a connection between the later Raya and the Doba through the offspring of a marriage between the eponymous ancestor of the Tulama and the former wife of Mohammed Yusuf, potentially an Afar. But as we can see later, the intermingling happened in mass not in a single marriage which had set a big entity that remained so now. However, this Oromo of the place was dispossessed the Doba at the end of 16thC (Trimingham, 1952, 194). Remnants of the Doba around Wafla and Qorem point to a lineage connected to Asaburta, with a possible native tongue being Saho (Kibrom, 2005, 22). There is also a story that the Arggoba originated from Yemen and spread to Ifat, Erken, Mille, and Lasta. However, categorizing the Doba with the Arggoba becomes difficult, as their journey to Lasta would require penetrating the large territory called Angote. The Arggoba are described as having an incalculable number, reddish skin color, big eyes, and lush hair. They were Muslim and seemingly spoke only Arabic (Atsme, 2009, 308–309). Moreover, like the Saho, the Doba were observed by Alvarez as being Muslim, but their affinities were unknown (Hantingford, 1989, 90). In the early 19th century, Mr. Pearce, while heading to Gonder from the court of Ras Wode Sellassie of Enderta, noted little communication with the natives and an inability to understand their language (Salt, 1814, 276). This suggests the Doba were most probably of Afar stock.

Additional narratives propose that the Doba might be part of isolated Negro tribes sporadically dispersed across Africa (Ibd). This idea gains support due to the presence of the Doba in Mofer Wuha in Menz, as Southern Angote was its ancient territory, and Inderta (Enderta) realized. In this account, they appear as founders of the Walasama dynasty or Ifat sultanate, and allies of the Christian kingdom by patrolling the areas between the Afar lowlands and the highlands. The name Doba in Mufer Wuha is still present, specified as one of the 20th-century political figures, confirmed to rest in it, with family members on his mother’s side (Leul Ras Imiru Haile Sellassie, 2002, 52). In Inderta, ancient tombs are taken as testimonies of the first Islamization process undergone (Asfaw, 2000, 180). Travelers and authors mostly define the Doba as always hostile to the central government and raiders. However, if they were the same people of the time, they need to have interdependence in many aspects of life. Whatever the case, the connection of the Doba everywhere needs further investigation.

Determining the exact period of the Doba’s appearance in the region proves challenging. However, it is believed that they had been living in the area long before the restoration of the Solomonic dynasty in 1270 AD. During the Ethiopian King/Emperor of Habasha, called Neggasi, among many other places under his possession, the Doba was one. However, there is no clear indication of which Doba, though Tigre, Amhara, Dembya, and others are listed as part of his control (Geddes, 1997, 7). The name ‘Neggasi’ raises ambiguity, as historical consensus lacks clarity on a king or emperor with that name. If it was al-Nejash, he is mostly considered a king by none other than Islamic sources who warmly welcomed the early Muslim followers to Ethiopia in the early 7th century. If there was a King/Emperor from that period, it would likely be a local notable. The story of the arrival of Muslim followers in the early 7th century, including Mohammed’s son-in-law Uthman and his daughter Ruqayya, reflects warm reception by a local notable, possibly Adriaz (Erlich, 1994, 7). Acts of St. Merqorewos, composed in the 15th century, place the Doba under a Muslim chief during the 13th century (Trimingham, 1952, 79).

In the time of Emperor Be’ada Maryam, when he reached Zobul for his campaign against the Doba, he was welcomed by the regiment called Jan-Qetefa. However, in his engagement with the Doba, the Emperor lost two battles with them. Later on, in his contact with the other regiment called Jan-amora, there were words exchanged. The regiment came as the Emperor said so and in regression told him why he did not call them before. In advance, they told him that it was his father (Emperor Zara Yacob) who organized them to fight the Doba, and still, they would be a better fighting squad as they were very clear about the land of the Doba (Alemu, 2015 113–114, 119). This could be one of the reasons that many Ethiopian Emperors had two or three wives at the same time, as they did with the Doba for loyalty (Tekle Tsadik Mekuryia, 1987, 80).

The formation of Jan-Qetefa and Jan-amora mostly dates back to the Zagwe days. For these, not only the word ‘Jan’ of Agaw origin but its use as a royal attribute goes back to that period. Gädl of Abunä Bäretälomiwos (founder of Dabrä Zämäda Mareyam monastery), believed to be written around the 12th century, described the relationship between the people of Jan Amora and the Doba as two immediate neighbors. It reads as follows in Geez language:

…ወእምኣሜሃ፡ተሰምየት፡ደብረ፡ዘመዳ፡ወቀዳሚኒ፡ስማ፡ጃን፡አሞራ፡በእንተ፡ሰምየት፡ሰሜን፡ ዘስሙ፡ሐፀይ፡ረዳኢ።ወአመ፡ዐርገ፡ለአጥፍኦ፡አረማውያን፡ሶበ፡ቀርበ፡ለተቃትሎ፡ይቤሎሙ፡ ለሠራዊቱ፡ስለ፡አሐዱ፡ለባህቲቱ፡እንዘ፡ይሚጡ፡ላህመ፡ዘንተ፡ሥጋ፡ንስኡ፡ውስተ፡ሐቊክሙ ።ወእንዘ፡ትኅጽህዎ፡ለአረሚ፡ንበሩ፡ዲቤሁ፡ወብልኡ፡ሥጋ፡ዘነሳእክሙ፡በሐቊክሙ።ወእም ዝ፡ገብሩ፡ሠራዊተ፡ንጉስ፡በከመ፡ተአዘዙ፡ወፈርሁ፡ኩለ፡አረሚ፡ወጎዩ፡መቅድመ፡እንዘ፡ይብለ፡ መጽአ፡ብነ፡ዘጃን፡አሞራ፡ወበእንተዝ፡ተሰምየ፡ጃን፡አሞራ…

(Gädlä Bärtälomewos, microfilmed: EMML 6843 EMML 79)

Its translation goes as follows;

At that time, the place was named Däbrä Zämäda, but formerly, it was known as Jan-Amora (Eagle of the Majesty), named after the noble of the North, Haṣäy Rada‟e. When he attacked the heathens, he gave an order to his troops: ‘You should carry beef at your waist, and while clearing the heathens (Doba), take a rest there and eat the beef that you have’. Following his orders, his troops carried out the mission, leaving the heathens shocked and in retreat. They wondered who from Jan-Amora had come against them, and for this reason, the place was named Jan-Amora.

Jan-Amora was in rebellion against Amda-Siyon (1314–1344), and at that time, its base was in Angot, the home of the Zagwe kings. As for Jan-Qetefa, it was organized to oversee the Afar and the Doba, providing better protection for the royal center (Merid, 1997, 39). Therefore, their formation contradicts the idea that they were organized by Emperor Zara Yacob. The presence of these two regiments may have also been for the safe passage of caravan merchants, as the Northern route passed nearby. Hence, the oldest long-distance trade routes were said to traverse extremely difficult countries, predating the end of the Lasta (Zagwe) dynasty. The second northern route cuts across the kingdom from the region east of the upper course of the river Marab in Hamasen, Bur, through eastern Tigre, the Doba country, Angot, Amhara, and further south to the Shoan plateau (Tamrat, 82). Overall, the Doba appear as formidable warriors and challengers during the Zagwe period, but their possible presence might date back to periods before. Just a few centuries before the Zagwe kingdom, there are no sources to know what happened even in the history of Ethiopia’s so-called ‘Dark Age’ (Dlebo, 1999, 23).

The Doba possessed socio-political, psycho-makeup, and cultural identities, leaving a legacy that became part of the means to identify the later Raya people (Alemu & Sisay, 2005, 24). Concerning their socio-political organization, the Doba were divided into seven tribal groups: Qeran godiba, Hizba, Mehen, Haya, Hashenge, Menker, and Ofla. The Doba Council was formed, consisting of three representatives from each group, chosen by the Doba fathers. Finally, the head of the council was elected and called Adel (the faithful). Leaders of the groups or Sebat-amba and the people held a meeting at the end of the summer season, in September, at Abinaz, believed to be between Menker and Lake Ashenge. Each group had an ox to slaughter during these meetings, spending days in celebration. Besides the joys, leaders discussed matters of their people, passed administrative decisions, and drafted and ratified rules that were applied in common (Kibrom, 2005, 34–35).

Other sources mention twenty-four competencies, with twelve at peace at a time, and the other twelve always at war (Alvarez, 1881, 108; Isenberg & Krapf, 1843, 18, 21). When threatened by King Yabous of Abyssinia, King Adel (Adal) advised the Doba to send their wives and children to him for safety, and twelve of them did. However, Be’ada Maryam’s (r.1468–1478) chronicle mentions only twelve, stating that, in fear of him, all the twelve Doba captaincies with their blood ties prepared themselves to flee in the direction they sought (Alemu, 2013 120–121). Regardless of the variations in numbers, it is evident that the Doba led an organized life. This was evident when the Doba resisted strongly against Baraytuma (Merid, 1971, 205) and twice annihilated the forces of Be’ada Maryam in battles (Alemu, 2013, 116–118). Every healthy male was a warrior, firstly of his clan and then of his tribe. The only outsiders that such societies could absorb were women, and even then, only a few at a time. All male prisoners of war were sold (Merid, 1997, 53). Human merchandise was a common practice throughout Ethiopia and Eastern Africa, with such people likely trading along the route. However, it remains unclear when women opted to join than their counterparts. Women might have served as domestic workers or concubines, but all-male captives were sold and then either joined their warriors or served as cattle keepers with the Doba. Despite the prevalent practice of trading human merchandise along the route, the Doba were not solely ruthless raiders; they welcomed Mr. Pearce warmly, showcasing their hunting skills and interest in firearms (Salt, 1814, 275–276). Their apparent savagery contrasts with their capacity for a kind reception, challenging common perceptions. The Doba’s commitment to maintaining native independence is evident in their resistance against external threats.

Economically and religiously, the Doba exhibited defining features. According to Alvares, they were pastoral Moors (Muslims). Their economic prosperity was apparent in the abundance of exceptionally beautiful cows, unparalleled globally (Alvarez, 1881, 104). The surrounding environment, characterized by plains and a dense forest inhabited by elephants, featured a hot climate during the dry season and were irrigated by rivers like Ala and Golina (Trimingham, 1952 194; Alvarez, 1881, 111). The phrase ‘The earth their bed, their canopy the sky’ (Salt, 1814, 216) underscored the bountiful yet uncultivated land they inhabited. Later, the Doba adopted hoe and plow agriculture from highlanders in the Lasta district under Emperor Be’ada Maryam’s directive, signaling a shift toward Christianity (Haile 2013, 122). Initially nomadic and pagan, the Doba converted to Islam and then Christianity, reflecting their evolving religious identity (Hassen, 2000 8). While Alvares’ account supports their nomadic and Muslim identity, clarification on the origins of their religious beliefs is absent. If their roots trace back to neighboring Afar, it is plausible that they were initially Muslim cattle herders.

5. The coming of the Oromo to the Doba and its aftermath

In Ethiopian history, transformations resulting from wars and various influencing factors are commonplace. Notably, the Oromo expansion played a pivotal role in reshaping Ethiopian society, including the Doba. Originating from Southeast Ethiopia (Adejumobi, 2007, 8), the Oromos migrated in Northeasterly and Northwesterly directions (Lewis, 1966, 33). Among East African societies, the Oromo developed their unique form of government, the Gada System, an egalitarian society, and the Qallu, a religious institution with leaders holding both religious and political roles (Marcus, 1994, 35). The Oromo group (Barentu) moved towards the Northeast, reaching places like Awash, Shoa, Gojjam, and Wollo up to Southern Tigray (Atsme, 2009, 311). As a result, like other regions in the country, the lands of the Doba were likely reached by the Oromo without strong resistance, particularly due to the warfare involving Gragn that concluded in the 1540s (Erilich, 1994, 31). The Oromo adapted to their new geographical region, with some enhancing their skills as pastoral tenders and learning to use horses, while others transitioned to stable farming. After settling and adopting Christianity or Islam, the Oromo frequently intermarried with the Amhara, Afar, and Somali (Demichelis, 1994, 234). It is reasonable to theorize that the Oromos reached the land of the Doba in the mid-16th century AD. In the pre-Gragn war period, the absence of the Oromo was apparent. If this is not the case, Alvarez and other historians would have likely made mention during their visits.

The arrival of the Oromo in the land of the Doba occurred at the end of the 16th century and the early 17th century in two phases. The first wave, led by Igu, included Marawa and other groups. The second phase followed many years later. During the initial Oromo migration to the land of the Doba, the Doba successfully defended themselves. However, in the later period of Oromo arrival, two routes were taken—one crossing the river Awash and the Afar desert, and the other via Yejju. A joint attack was launched at Deyu, leading to a significant battle at Fandur near Worabaye, where the Doba ultimately failed to withstand the Oromo forces. Consequently, they lost many religious leaders and tribal heads, fleeing to neighboring highland areas (Kibrom, 2005, 67, 71). The final extent of Oromo settlement included the whole of Shoa, eastern Amhara, to Bale, extending northeastwards into Angot, Wafla, and Doba, with the northernmost being the Raya (Azabo) some 50 miles Northeast of Asange (Hantingford, 1989, 138). According to Susenyos chronicle, the Marawa preceded the Karayu and Akachu into Angot and the plains of Doba. However, the Marawa might have been more content to settle in these areas if not for the pressure from the Karayu and Akachu tribes (Merid, 1971, 325).

After settling in the highlands of eastern Wallo and Tigray, Oromo groups shifted from pastoralism to plow agriculture within one or two generations (McCann, 1995, 40). In the early 19th century, a significant division led by a leader named Gojee engaged in frequent battles with neighboring Lasta and warriors from Endertha under Ras Wolde Sellassie. This further suggests that the Doba, with their various tribes, had become intertwined with Oromo tribes. Around the end of the 16th century, following the Oromo incursion into the Doba, the newcomers identified themselves as Raya or Azabo. The name Raya holds two meanings: ‘soldier’ and a symbol of unity for the Oromo settled between the river Ala and Ibo (Kibrom, 2005, 90). On the contrary, the name Azabo, given by Tigrians, was not adopted by the people, who continued to call themselves Raya (Trimingham, 1952, 194). Raya likely meant a clan name, possibly an original Oromo name found everywhere (Mohammed, 1983, 115). Hence, after the arrival of the Oromo, the name Raya became widespread, and the Doba likely assimilated into this identity.

Some sources suggest that the fate of the Doba following the Oromo arrival was displacement and disappearance from history. However, the Muslim population just north of Quorem, marked on some maps as Doba, remains doubtful (Trimingham, 1952, 90, 171). A pastoral community, relatively strong and well-organized, could not have completely disappeared but might have experienced dislocation and amalgamation. Neighbors like the Afar and Woggerat were economically keen and historically peaceful with the Doba. Even during periods of threat, the areas of the pastoralist Afar served as a place of asylum. This suggests that intermixing, rather than complete disappearance, may have occurred. Additionally, frequent natural calamities, such as disease outbreaks and famines, could have contributed to a reduction in their population over time (Kibrom, 2005, 34). For example, during the Zagwe period in the 1st half of the 12th century and in 1252, 1258–59, 1261–62, 1272–73, as well as 1274–75, famine years were recorded (Kiros, 2005, 13, 14). These periodic famines, occurring approximately every twenty-nine years between 1252 and 1752, every fourteen years between 1916 and 1974, and every five years between 1958 and 1974 (Adhane Haile, 1987, 5), were caused by a combination of natural and human factors. Such hardships could have significantly affected the Doba’s livestock population, adding to the challenges faced by the community. The war at Wafla in 1542, fought between the forces of Ahmed Gragn and Emperor Glawdewos, also had lasting effects on the Doba, contributing to the region’s continued hostility even after the Oromo influx (Marcus, 1994, 34).

Mr. Pearce, in his observations of the Iyah district, encountered an Oromo tribe led by Welleda Shabo, a chieftain known for his uncommon ferocity. Pearce witnessed the chief drinking a hornful of warm blood directly from the necks of cows, highlighting the tribe’s pagan practices. Additionally, the Wanza tree was revered as sacred among them. Upon reaching Wofila, Pearce encountered a Christian chief named Degusmati Gueto, who had married a wife, possibly from the Musselmaun Oromo tribe under Welleda Shabo (Salt, 1814, 276–277). This interaction illustrates the stronghold of the Oromo, extending even to intermarriage and social bonds with other communities.Historically, the Oromo had cultural practices such as the reverence for the Oda tree as sacred, a place for assembly and shade, and a symbolic association of blood with unity (Dereje Hinew, 2012, 82–83). However, conflicting perspectives emerge, with Pankhurst categorizing all Oromo as heathens, emphasizing their nomadic lifestyle, dependence on cattle, and minimal religious practices (Pankhurst, 1965, 44). While there may be similarities with the pastoral Doba in terms of lifestyle, the Oromo’s religious convictions evolved over time, influenced by Islam and Christianity, contrasting with the likely absorption of the Doba’s native culture.

The integration of the Oromo into new regions, including the Doba, was facilitated by their perceived power and adoption mechanisms during Emperor Yohannis I’s reign (1668–1682). The Wallo, Kerayu, and Marawa Galla were already well integrated with neighboring communities (Merid, 1971, 585). The adoption mechanisms, Moggassa (individual adoption) and Guddificha (clan or tribe adoption), played a crucial role in assimilating individuals into Oromo lifestyles, especially those who surrendered in wars, fostering intermixing (Tesema, 1986, 51). The Oromo’s Quabiye system established rights in newly conquered lands, aiming to resolve disputes among different tribes or tribal confederations (Tesema, 1986, 44). This system, though not long-lasting, prevented internal conflicts during their expansion. The Oromo’s arrival led to the adoption of a settled life and involvement in agriculture, with Oromigna becoming a widespread language (Kibrom, 2005, 22). Many place names, such as Kobo, Qalim, Zobul, Gura Worke, and others, reflect the Oromo influence in the region (Alemu & Sisay, 2005, 25).

While the Oromo’s historical processes compromised the Doba’s identity, allowing the Oromo dominance, some names like Zobul and Mahoni suggest pre-existing recognition before the Oromo’s arrival. Place names like ‘Galla’ Meda, Gara Lencha, and ‘Galla’ Giorgis etc also stand as testaments to the Oromo impact on mountain areas, plains, and churches that persist to this day. These interactions underscore the complex dynamics of cultural transformation and identity shifts within the region.

5.1. Concluding remarks

The region known as Doba, later named Raya, expanded significantly in eastern Wollo, reaching parts of today’s southern Tigray and bordered by the Afar and Angote to the east and west, respectively. Although the area boasted natural beauty and served as a corridor for long-distance trade, it was a partially hostile region that even emperors monitored closely. Dismissing the Doba as savage, considering their unwavering hospitality even towards foreign nationals like Mr. Pearce, is logically incorrect. Despite being labeled excellent warriors, there are persistent controversies about the Doba’s origin and their professed religion, but it is likely they originated from the Afar, once part of the mosaic of tribes known as Semhar, existing even before the 12th century AD.

Despite being labeled as ‘pagan’ or ‘heathens’ by the central government and neighboring highlanders, the Doba were most likely Muslim. Their pastoral background did not lead them to wander; instead, they organized socially and politically, achieving considerable success against the central government and neighboring communities. In this process, they interacted first with neighbors and later with the Oromo.

The Doba’s seamless integration with the Oromo can be attributed to their pastoral background and the Oromo’s advancing mechanism, alongside historical processes. The native Doba amalgamated themselves with their immediate neighbors through deliberate looting and destruction. Starting from the reign of Emperor Be’ada Maryam, they began professing Christianity. Their social interdependency with neighbors and the Oromo persisted over time.

The influx of Oromo masses and the evolving social structure of the Doba likely not only led to the adoption of the name Raya in place of Doba but also triggered a transformation in the natives’ social fabric. Ultimately, the Doba played a crucial role in shaping the diversities observed in today’s Raya. However, a comprehensive understanding of integrations and subsequent developments in terms of culture, linguistic changes, and remaining markers requires breakthroughs from disciplines such as anthropology and linguistics.

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Notes on contributors

Mesfin Tadesse Belay

Mesfin Tadesse Belay is an instructor at Woldia University, holding a master’s degree in History and Heritage Management. Currently serving as the Quality Assurance Coordinator at the Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, he previously chaired the department. Alongside teaching, Mesfin actively participates in research and community service. Contact him at [email protected] or [phone].

Mengiste Zewdu Tessema

Mengistie Zewdu Tessema, also an instructor in the same department, has a master’s degree and served as the Chairperson. Engaging in teaching, research, and community service, Mengistie can be reached at [email protected] or [phone].

Wubie Tadege Yenehun

Wubie Tadege Yenehun, an instructor in Amharic Language and Literature, holds a master’s degree and currently serves as the vice dean at the Faculty of Social Science and Humanities. Formerly Chairperson of his department, Wubie actively contributes to teaching, research, and community service. Contact him at [email protected] or [phone].