Language, identity, and resistance to English hegemony: unpacking language ideologies in Twitter discourses on Twi usage among the ‘Kumasiano Guys’ in Ghana

Abstract

Despite the significant role of Twi as a means of communication and a tool for expressing the unique cultural identity of the Ashantis and other Akans, some Ghanaians misconstrue the preferential usage of Twi among the Kumasi people as indicative of limited English proficiency. This misconception often finds expression on platforms like Twitter, where Kumasi people are frequently subjected to ridicule for grammatical errors in English or for predominantly using Twi. This study, thus, explored the underlying ideologies shaping these Twitter discourses. A total of 56 tweets were analyzed using social media critical discourse analysis (SM-CDA). The study revealed a prevalent belief that Kumasi people’s reluctance to use English and their limited proficiency are indicative of low literacy and primitiveness. The counter-responses from the supposed Kumasi people, however, demonstrate a steadfast native language loyalty and a strong sense of Ashanti identity. Their responses further highlight the need for some Ghanaians to emancipate themselves from mental slavery, evident in their linguistic behaviors and attitudes. We, thus, conclude that the enduring affection for Twi and resistance to English usage among the Kumasi people and many Akans inadvertently contribute to the promotion of Akan/Twi expansionism over other indigenous languages.

Keywords:

• English hegemony
• Twi
• Twitter
• language ideology
• language maintenance
• Kumasi

Reviewing editor:

• Jeroen van de Weijer, College of International Studies, Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China

Subjects:

• Mass communication
• Language & Linguistics
• Literature

Introduction

Social media is a new and effective avenue for human communication across the world in contemporary times. It proves to be a platform for nationwide discourse among people from different geographical locations. Since communication on social media tends to be very effective in the 21st century, it is considered a means for the revitalization of endangered languages (Jany, 2018). Emerging literature has lauded the new opportunities created by social media for the maintenance of minority languages, especially for non-English speakers living in native-English countries (Zhao & Flewitt, 2020). With the advent of social media, immigrants have the opportunity to communicate with their distant indigenous relatives, thus paving the way for minimizing the possibilities of language loss (Hu et al., 2014; Szecsi & Szilagyi, 2012). Twitter, for instance, appears to be one of the important social media outlets that proves to be an effective platform for cross-cultural dialogue. Language use on Twitter plays a pivotal role in fostering social harmony and cross-cultural dialogue by embracing inclusive communication practices and promoting harmony (Hong et al., 2021; Park et al., 2014; Wu & Li, 2018).

In the context of Ghana, however, it appears that Twitter has become a place where most Ghanaians exhibit their obsession with the English language and their supposed intellectual statuses instead. It appears to be a platform for showcasing their English language proficiency. Moreover, it is becoming increasingly embarrassing how Twitter has emerged as an alternative avenue for the manifestation of linguistic imperialism and the perpetuation of language endangerment. Our preliminary exploration of language attitudes on Twitter shows a real-life manifestation of Ghanaians’ despicable attitude toward Ghanaian languages, especially Asante Twi, which is the widely spoken local language in Ghana. Such attitudes toward Asante Twi manifest themselves in the disparaging comments usually leveled against the people of Kumasi, who are undoubtedly the custodians of the widely spoken local language in Ghana. These social media comments, usually targeted at the Kumasi people, appear to be contingent on their obsession with their local language in almost all of their communicative situations at the expense of the official language of Ghana (English). Since the arguments raised in this paragraph do not seem to have enough scholarly support, this study attempts to broaden our knowledge on the topic by subjecting Twitter feeds on the language used among the Kumasi people (henceforth, the Kumasianos) to critical discourse analysis,(CDA). The paper sought to achieve two major objectives: (1) analyze and uncover the hidden ideologies behind the social media feeds targeted at the Kumasi people, and (2) uncover the implicit ideologies embedded in feedback usually given by the supposed Kumasi social media users in response to disparaging comments.

The rest of the study is organized as follows: the next section will focus on discussing the linguistic situation of Ghana. After that, we present a brief history of the Kumasi empire and how they have always resisted British influence. Following that is a discussion of CDA as a framework for this study. The sections that follow are the methods and materials employed, presentation of results, discussion and conclusions and the study’s limitations and suggestions for further research.

Ghana’s linguistic situation and language ideology

Ghana is a multilingual society. Ethnographers and statisticians have not reached a consensus on the exact number of languages present in the country. The uncertainty about the number of languages in Ghana is probably due to uncertainty regarding what to consider a language and what to consider a dialect. For example, the Akan language has several mutually intelligible variants belonging to different ethnicities usually situated in different geographical locations. Determining the number of languages based on the number of ethnicities would lead us to believe that there are approximately 79 local languages in Ghana (Ansah, 2014). The different baselines for determining the number of languages in Ghana are probably the main reason for the different estimates by different scholars. Bodomo et al. (2010), for instance, estimated the number of languages in Ghana to be between 45 and 80, while Lewis (2009) suggested 79.

Regrettably, many of these local languages are struggling to gain nationwide recognition and national relevance. Only 11 (Ga, Ewe, Dagaare, Kasem, Gonja, Nzema, Dangme, Twi, Mfantse, Gurune and Dagbani) of the many languages are sponsored by the government to be officially taught as subjects of study in various educational institutions (Nyamekye, 2022; Nyamekye et al., 2023; Nyamekye & Baffour-Koduah, 2021; Owu-Ewie, 2006, 2017). The overwhelming emphasis on English and the undying desire for Eurocentric thoughts, coupled with efforts toward the promotion of English expansionism, have made the study of the local languages, as well as their use as media of instruction at the primary level of education, unpopular. The decision to offer the local languages as subjects of instruction appears to be at the discretion of the school administrators. Though Ghana has a centralized curriculum, some high schools – usually dubbed as the elite schools (Mfantsipim school, Addisadel College, St Augustines, etc.) – seem to have never made any attempt to include a local language in their curriculum. Nonetheless, these schools have placed overwhelming emphasis on the study of foreign languages (French and English). Apart from the deliberate and institutionally calculated attempts toward minimizing the literacy status of Ghanaian languages in educational institutions, unfavorable language ideologies and attitudes hover around both teachers and students who attempt to pursue local languages. Anecdotal evidence shows that weak-performing students are usually sent to classes that take Ghanaian languages as subjects of study. The general conception behind such practice is that local language studies are for students with low academic abilities. To some extent, the literature suggests that instructors who teach local languages are less regarded compared to instructors of other subjects (i.e. science, maths, ICT, etc.) (Owu-Ewie & Edu-Buandoh, 2015). From a personal experience point of view, one would be less inclined to make it public that a local language is a program of study he or she pursues at any level of education in Ghana because one cannot bear the psychological effect associated with it. Moreover, people tend to pass disparaging comments about students who pursue local languages in schools.

Unlike other scholars, we do not blame the current generation for the negative attitude toward indigenous knowledge and Afrocentric ideas. Ghanaians are probably struggling to heal from the psychological wounds caused by the deeds of the colonial masters (the British). Early education and administration during the days of the colonial masters were both physically and linguistically suppressive. According to Anyidoho and Dakubu (2008), English proficiency was always used as a requirement to serve under the British government. Moreover, children were coerced to learn the English language. This could probably be a major reason why too much importance has been placed on the compulsory speaking of English in Ghanaian schools. Speaking the local languages was considered uncouth and unprofessional, and such an act was always associated with severe punishment (Owu-Ewie & Edu-Buandoh, 2015). The psychological damage seems quite severe in Africa because a study in Tanzania, for instance, reported that students thanked their teachers for punishing them for speaking what they described as vernacular in school. These students believed that reinforcing English speaking through punishment is an effective way of promoting academic excellence (Roemer, 2023).

Moreover, English being the official language for public and official domain discourse makes people think that speaking a local language in the official domains is illegal and an act of unprofessionalism, which amounts to disgrace (Edu-Buandoh, 2016; Owu-Ewie & Edu-Buandoh, 2015). This public pronouncement in the police service is probably the best evidence to support the foregoing assertion:

When you go to court to testify, don’t go and say, My Lord, please I will Speak Twi. It should be out of the question. It brings disgrace to the service—Director-General of Criminal Investigation Department, COP Isaac Ken Yeboah (DailyGuide, 2021, September)

The above comment by the Director-General of the Criminal Investigation Department of Ghana during his address in an eight-week detective course at the Detective Training Academy in Accra provides credence to the foregoing argument. The Director’s declaration substantiates the fact that local language use in official domains is perceived as a disgrace to professionalism and thus, an educated professional must desist from speaking Twi or any other Ghanaian language in official domains. This linguistic situation in Ghana has been quite worrisome as it continues to promote linguistic imperialism. People who are fond of speaking local languages in public spaces are likely to be tagged as uncivilized (Nyamekye et al., 2023). Twi, being the commonly spoken local language in Ghana, suffers from these stereotypical attacks the most. These attacks are usually not made explicit to speakers in social life but manifestations of it are common on social media platforms, especially on Twitter. Kumasi people are usually the victims of such attacks, hence the need to use them as subjects for this investigation.

The Ashantis and Eurocentric resistance

Kumasi is the city with the largest number of Ashantis in Ghana. The Ashantis are part of the many ethnic groups of Akan. They speak Asante Twi, one of the mutually intelligible variants of the Akan language (Dolphyne, 1986; Kiyaga-Mulindwa, 1980). On the advice of his senior priest, Okomfo Anokye, Asantehene Osei Tutu founded Kumasi in the late 17th century (Adarkwa, 2011). Kumasi – a city in Ghana, West Africa – is the historic center of the Ashanti kingdom. Due to its strategic location, Kumasi, since its establishment, has enjoyed an enviable position as a nodal city on which most national routes converge. It is situated in the south-central part of the country, about 270 km from Accra, the capital city of Ghana (Frimpong & Molkenthin, 2021; Gyasi et al., 2013). The city occupies a land size of about 254 square kilometers with a population of over two million and an annual growth rate of about 5.4% (KMA, 2023 retrieved from, http://kma.gov.gh/kma/?brief-on-kma&page=5143). The city shares boundaries to the north with the Kwabre District, to the east with the Ejisu Juabeng Municipal District, to the west with Atwima Nwabiagya District, and to the south with the Bosomtwe-Atwima Kwanwoma District (Asante & Helbrecht, 2019). It is considered one of the most powerful pre-colonial states in West Africa. Kumasi is known for its rich traditional culture, including the Ashanti Kente cloth and the revered Ashanti Golden stool, which stands as the symbol of the Ashanti monarchy, as well as their cherished Ashanti Twi language, which they use as a communicative tool in non-formal communicative situations and sometimes in formal domains.

According to scholarly and oral history, the Ashantis have always resisted European influence, especially when it had to do with their culture and heritage. Despite the odds against them, they battled the Europeans with all their might to protect their heritage and sovereignty. The Yaa Asantewaa War, also known as the War of Resistance in the 1900s (Aikins, 2009; Boahen, 2000), is one of the earliest and most explicit examples of Eurocentric resistance. The historic war, led by Queen Yaa Asantewaa, was caused by the Ashantis’ unwillingness to comply with the British demand for the well-revered Ashanti stool – the pride and spirit of the Ashanti kingdom. Though there seems to be no empirical evidence of Eurocentric resistance among the Kumasi people in contemporary times, their linguistic behaviors portray a covert manifestation of resistance to Eurocentrism. Through language, the resistance is currently intensified. This aspect of Ashanti life has not yet received rigorous scholarly attention. Nonetheless, close observation of the language ideologies and linguistic practices shows that they perceive the speaking of foreign languages as either disrespectful or a threat to their rich and respected culture. Indigenous Kumasi people are less likely to use English as the language of communication at home. They are less inclined to reply to you in English in most communicative situations. Unlike other tribes, they barely give reverence to European languages. Such linguistic resistance is usually perceived as a lack of control and proficiency in the English language by other Ghanaians belonging to different tribes and residences. Since the argument advanced here has weak grounds in literature, this study expands our understanding by critically analyzing social media posts regarding the topic under review.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA)

CDA was used as the theoretical lens that framed the argument advanced in this study. CDA served as a framework for the study because we believed that societal practices, ideologies and beliefs are usually mirrored in discourse. Discourse or language could therefore be subject to critical scrutiny to unravel these concealed ideologies, practices and beliefs. According to Fairclough (2013), CDA is a critical investigation of the intersection between language and society. The main concern of CDA is to unveil how social issues such as societal suppressions, political issues, economic issues, educational issues, gendered issues, etc., are embedded in the everyday language use or discourse of the members that constitute the very society. Through systematic and retroductive investigation of language and other semiotic forms, a researcher employing the CDA framework always aims at demystifying hidden ideologies and cultural agendas (Wodak, 2004). CDA does not only aim at unveiling the negative societal issues embedded in language as many people perceive; it is concerned with unraveling how everything about society – be it negative or positive – is embedded in discourse (Wodak, 2004).

In the context of this study, CDA was used to gain a deeper understanding of the hidden ideologies in the banter-oriented tweets on the supposed English deficiency of the people of Kumasi and their ever-growing love for Twi. In its application, the analysis of the banter-oriented Twitter feeds went beyond the literal meaning of the tweets portrayed. In line with Wodak (2004), we reflected critically on the implicit assumptions of the tweets and how they connected with societal realities as far as language attitudes toward both English and Twi within the Ghanaian socio-cultural context are concerned.

Materials and methods

Research design

The social media discourse analysis study (SM-CDS) approach was adopted as a research approach for this investigation. SM-CDS is an approach to applying CDA in the context of social media (KhosraviNik, 2022). In its application, SM-CDS as a research design accomplishes the goal of CDA by analyzing how power asymmetry, discrimination, as well as implicit assumptions are embedded in social media posts. This study, therefore, used this approach to understand the implicit assumptions embedded in banter-oriented Twitter posts that usually target the people of Kumasi and their obsession with Twi at the expense of the English language.

Data source and data analysis technique

This study used Twitter as a platform for understanding the issue under study because, despite the existence of other social media platforms (such as Facebook, Instagram, etc.), Ghanaian youth seem to have developed a preferential taste for social media debates on Twitter compared to other platforms. We took this position because our searches on other platforms – especially Facebook and Instagram – did not yield the needed results compared to our searches on Twitter. The study primarily focused on banter-oriented tweets that talked about how Kumasi people often use the Asante Twi language in their interactions with others, as well as tweets that discussed their perceived underdeveloped English language proficiency. Additionally, tweets that discussed the use of English among the people of Accra were retrieved for analysis. It is worth noting that although the tweets were about language use among the people of Kumasi and Accra, we retrieved tweets from all users – irrespective of their ethnolinguistic background – who contributed to such banter-oriented discourse on Twitter. This presupposes that not all tweets may have come from people in Kumasi or Accra; users whose tweets aligned with either side of the discourse were included.

The search terms employed to obtain data about language use among the supposed ‘Kumasi people’ included ‘Kumasi English’, ‘Kumasi Brofo (English)’, ‘Kumasiano (Kumasi) English’, ‘bl3 (English)’, ‘Siano’ (Kumasi man), ‘Kumasi Akan’, Kumasi Twi, ‘Accra English’, ‘Accra Twi’ and ‘Accra Bl3 (English)’. These search terms were all employed to retrieve tweets related to the English language and Twi use in Ghana. Moreover, ‘Accra’ was also collocated with English, Twi and Bl3 (English) to retrieve banter-oriented tweets about language use, usually between Kumasi and Accra, the two most developed cities in Ghana. While Twi is usually associated with the people of Kumasi, the people of Accra usually identify as having adequate proficiency in English, thus the need to include these two in the searches.

In all, 56 tweets on the topic were gathered. After retrieving the tweets on Kumasi people’s obsession with Twi speaking, we cleaned the data by removing duplicates and filtering out retweets. Tweets that were in Ghanaian pidgin and Twi were translated and analyzed using a thematic approach. This was done by thoroughly reading the gathered and cleaned tweets multiple times to familiarize ourselves with the content and identify initial codes and patterns. Following this, we systematically coded the data, categorizing similar codes into overarching themes. We did this coding and categorization separately; afterwards we compared the codes we generated to see the similarity in our codes. This was an attempt to enhance the validity of our codes (Belotto, 2018; Franklin & Ballan, 2001). Through an iterative process, we refined and defined these themes, ensuring they accurately capture the essence of the data. Finally, we interpreted the themes in relation to the research objectives, providing insights into the attitudes, opinions and trends present within the Twitter data.

Ethical considerations

According to Ahmed et al. (2017), Twitter users generally acknowledge and accept that any information they provide on these platforms may be utilized by third parties, as per the terms and conditions they agree to. Consequently, it is believed that comments posted on social media can be used without explicit consent. Nonetheless, to address further ethical considerations, the identities of the users were concealed and substituted with pseudonyms like TW1, TW2, etc.

Results

The results of the study were analyzed based on the research objectives set to guide the study. First, we discussed how social media portrayed the status of English in the Ghanaian context relative to its limited use among the people of Kumasi. After presenting these results, we discussed how social media users who identify as people of Kumasi responded to the various comments targeted at their obsession with their indigenous language use, as well as their perceived limited proficiency in the English language.

Representation of the Kumasianos in banter-oriented Twitter discourse on English-speaking

Per our analysis, Twitter discussions regarding English language usage among Kumasi people reveal a common portrayal. Users often depict English language as a symbol of civilization, enlightenment and intellectual identity.

English proficiency as a marker of civilization and enlightenment

The tweets from Ghanaian users on Twitter seem to suggest that how well you speak English and your fluency in it determine your level of civilization and enlightenment. The tweet below supports this idea.

TW1: How can you speak [sic] this Brofo? Kumasi Brofo. Your English is not good but you want to dictate to Accra people. Shut up and live in the bush there.

(How can you speak such English? Kumasi English. Your English is not good but you want to dictate to Accra people. Shut up and live in the bush there)

Undoubtedly, Kumasi is one of the best cities in Ghana. Social media tends to paint a negative picture about the natives of this city, especially in banter-related social media discourses. They tend to always regard them as uncivilized in social media banter. As could be observed in the comment, the user orders the supposed Kumasi guy to stay in the bush. This signals that Kumasi is somewhat an uncultured city despite the fact the city is arguably the second, if not the first most developed city in Ghana, in terms of trade, education, serenity, etc. When you subject the negative comments targeted at the indigenes of Kumasi city to in-depth analysis, you would probably realize that these social media users’ perception of the uncivilized nature of the citizens is usually connected to their obsession with the local language (Twi) and their infrequent use of English language in almost all communicative situation. In the above tweet, this user took a dig at the supposed Kumasi guy for the ungrammaticality of his English. It could be inferred from the comment that the validity of your argument in a particular discourse relies, among other things, on the grammaticality of the English you used in presenting your arguments. It is thus, more advisable to write grammatically correct English on social media if you do not wish to be considered primitive, uncivilized or a dowdy. The tweet below adds more to the arguments advanced here.

TW2: Anklet da wo nan nso Brofo koraa wonte

(You have put on an anklet but you can’t speak good English)

The tweet offers more insight into how some Ghanaians are likely to connect fashion sense to linguistic capabilities. It could be inferred based on the tweet that a sophisticated level of English language proficiency would be expected of someone who portrays a flashy lifestyle on social media. Probably, this user commented as such because the lady’s fashion does not seem to match the grammatical accuracy of her English. A flip side of the argument could be that from the point of view of this user, bad English is connected to the dowdy or the unstylish people, usually perceived as villagers. A counter-tweet of a supposed Kumasi guy gives more evidence to this discourse.

TW50: Why is it alwys kumasi!? Why? Why can’t you guys make your examples and leave kumasi out! When u having conversations abt anything with an urban feel, y’all want to spit on us like y3nte brofo!

(Why is it always about Kumasi? Why? Why can’t you guys make your examples and leave Kumasi out? When you are having conversations about anything with an urban feel, you always want to tell us that we can’t speak English!)

As evident in the tweet, Kumasi guys are always trolled on the basis of their perceived English language skills, especially when the discourse is about matters related to elegance or modernity. This is somewhat a reflection of the fact that amid any banter-related discourse on social media, the views of the Kumasi boy are usually sidelined, possibly because of their persistent willingness to speak their indigenous language. Moreover, the picture they paint of them is quite primitive and this is usually connected to language.

English proficiency as a marker of literacy and quality education

Kumasi can once again be considered one of the best in terms of quality education. The city can boast of highly reputable schools that perform excellently in nationwide examinations like the West African Secondary School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) and also excel in National Science and Maths Quizzes. This city also boasts good universities including the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Akenten Appiah-Menka University of Skills, Training and Entrepreneurial Development, as well as a host of tertiary institutions. However, in banter-oriented discourses, Twitter users tend to troll them for poor education, simply because they are obsessed with speaking Twi instead of English. The tweet below confirms the foregoing:

TW47: The Only Problem for Owass Is English. Look At How An Old Student Is Even Fumbling For Words. Brofo Basaa Sei Or It’s Because Of Where They Are?? Kumasi Makaa Maka🤦🏽♀

(The only problem for the Opoku Ware Senior High School is English. Look at how an old student is even fumbling for words. Such an awkward English expression. Is it because they are from Kumasi? I have said it and I mean it)

This tweet was directed at the students of Opoku Ware Senior High School – a senior high school in Kumasi – during an NSMQ. The tweet was in response to the school’s inability to excel compared to other competing schools. The Twitter user appears to attribute their difficulty in excelling to perceived English oral proficiency and the fact that they are studying in Kumasi, where Twi is widely spoken. Unfortunately, English is often erroneously perceived by many Ghanaians as a measure of one’s intellectual capability (Nyamekye et al., 2023); thus, performance in any academic-related activity is usually connected to English speaking. Surprisingly, since its inception, schools in Kumasi have won the NSMQ a record seven times – the second highest compared to schools in other cities. This defies the banter that the school is not performing because it is situated in a city where Twi is spoken all the time.

TW19: When you see Accra meners dey slang English, you go think them get academic brain aa… Charley relax!

(When you hear the Slang English spoken by the people of Accra, you think they have academic brains. You people have to relax).

Apparently, the notion of English being a signal of one’s literacy status, as suggested by Edu-Buandoh (2016), is deeply ingrained in the minds of many Ghanaians. Responding to the persistent trolling, notably from social media users who identify as residents of Accra, the capital of Ghana, a Twitter user argues that the accent of the Accra guys shares a resemblance with academicians. Inferences from these comments seem to suggest and also confirm Edu-Buandoh’s assertion that people tend to judge your academic potential based on your English language skills.

The implicit ideologies embedded in the counter-tweets of the Kumasi guys

The second research objective was to analyze how Twitter users who identified as either natives or residents of Kumasi responded to the trolling tweets regarding their English language proficiency and the frequent use of Twi. Within the framework of CDA, the analysis aimed to unveil the implicit assumptions underlying the counter-tweets of these Twitter users. Two major themes were revealed: (1) the tweets of the Siano guys reveal a strong sense of loyalty to the Twi language as it was seen as a marker of national identity, and (2) the need for Ghanaians to stay awake and emancipate themselves from the ravels of mental slavery and Eurocentrism.

Language loyalty and maintenance

The magnitude of loyalty they attach to their local language appears to be extremely high. From a personal experience point of view, the majority of Ghanaians, both educated and less educated, do not speak English with ease. It is thus ideal for people to engage in casual communication with a local language they are comfortable with, irrespective of the communicative situation. However, in a somewhat formal communicative context, the majority of Ghanaians, especially the educated, would opt for English just to align with the prestige associated with it (Nyamekye et al., 2023). The residents of Kumasi could be considered a perfect example of Ghanaians who take no delight in speaking English just to elevate the so-called literacy pride associated with speaking English. The tweet below confirms the argument.

TW10: Never try speaking English with a Kumasiano coz by the time the conversation ends, you’ll be speaking Twi

(Never try to speak English with a Kumasi boy because, by the end of the conversation, you will also be speaking Twi)

Unlike others, most residents of Kumasi would prefer communicative comfort over the linguistic prestige associated with the English language. The tweet seems to confirm this reality because it is quite challenging to persuade a typical resident of Kumasi or most Akans to speak English when speaking their inherited language is an easy and effective communicative option. They are naturally resistant to the trolls targeted at their obsession with the local language, as can be seen in the tweets below.:

TW16: Why some English class? Me Abi kumasiano and GA man ooo. My language 1st. Hahahahaa

(Why some English Classes? I am a Kumasi and a Ga man. My language first. Hahahaha!)

TW25: I come frm a place wher ther is love for our language, damn!! No siano guy will speak english at home., never!!!"Hell yess

(I come from a place where there is love for our language, damn! No Kumasi guy will speak English at home. never!!!"Hell yess)

TW55: The Ghana passport office must start using ‘Twi’ to interact with people applying for passport…. if you can’t speak Twi fluently, then you’re not a Ghanaian.

In TW16, for instance, the user opposed the idea of receiving an English class for his perceived deficiency in the language. His reply demonstrates an extreme level of language loyalty. As he rightly pointed out, prioritizing the learning of English seems unnecessary when he already has two local languages he can proficiently use for communication. In this banter, the user, who identifies as both Kumasi and Ga, emphasizes the importance of maintaining his inherited language despite the pressures to speak a more prestigious language. TW25 also confirms our earlier assumption that English is not commonly spoken in most Kumasi homes. Instead, they tend to assert their sense of identity through their use of the Asante Twi language. Consequently, they are less inclined to speak other languages that might compromise their cherished identity, as evident in TW55. While pronouncements in official public spaces are typically delivered in English to address linguistic diversity in Ghana, this Twitter user opposes such practices. In a live video, he laments that in the context of Kumasi, Twi defines their identity as Ghanaians and should be the primary communicative medium for all public pronouncements. This supports the notion that Kumasi is not an ideal place for promoting Western languages.

Language decolonization and emancipation from mental slavery

The language ideologies embedded in the comments of most Twitter users reveal a daylight manifestation of linguistic imperialism. The replies of Twitter users who identify as the people of Kumasi, Ashanti or Akans, more often, bring to light how most Ghanaians are living in a delusionary world. TW4 is an example of a tweet that aims at enlightening some Ghanaians to disentangle themselves from the ravels of neo-Western slavery.

TW4: Have you seen any white man laugh at the other about not speaking Twi well or pronouncing the words correctly? How much have you made out of speaking good English and correct spelling? Slave mentality!

Most pan-Africans have shown that Africans are probably not fully gained independence. They argue that Africans are still under the control of their colonial masters through many covert means, prominent among them is their linguistic behavior; i.e. how they tend to despise their own language and revere foreign languages. It could be argued that Africans are psychologically controlled. Language is one of the psychological means through which most Africans are being manipulated and colonized (Arends, 2017; Chukwujekwu, 2004; Hilliard, 1983). Many feel extremely bad about their inherited language. They tend to believe that speaking a local language probably affects their social status and are more inclined to adopt the language of their colonial masters to feel good about themselves. Such a perception does not seem to manifest itself among most Akans to an extreme extent, especially the residents of Kumasi land. It is obvious from the above tweet (TW4) that Westerners would hardly mock each other for a bad expression in an African language. Hence, a Ghanaian mocking another Ghanaian for a wrong English expression is enough evidence to support the fact that most Ghanaians are mentally enslaved.

Apart from the language decolonization advocacy, their tweets also create the impression that English competence does not contribute anything to one’s standard of living. Anecdotal records show that Ghanaians tend to prioritize linguistic competence more than actual competence in the enactment of certain tasks, especially those that require the application of one’s intellectual capabilities. Such conceptions and practices probably have their roots in colonial history. The British colonial government, as part of its attempt to strengthen supremacy and sovereignty, made English proficiency a requirement for appointment in most state-based institutions. For instance, the ability to read and speak English was considered an important ‘Special and Elected Membership’ of the Legislative Assembly during the time of the colonial masters in 1951. A series of constitutions emphasized the need to exhibit English proficiency as a requirement to be part of the legislative assembly (Anyidoho & Dakubu, 2008). It appears that the reiteration of the English language as a requirement for appointment in some sectors in Ghana has given people the erroneous impression that English forms part of one’s survival as a Ghanaian.

TW26: Back in UG niqqas go troll Kumasi fellas saaaa, until they want used footwear to buy. ‘Em like “Charlie buy me foot ehhh Me: Menti brofo ma Queen Elizabeth nto fre London mere wo, kwasia boi….

(During our time at the University of Ghana (UG), colleagues always trolled Kumasi guys until they wanted to purchase used footwear. They are like, "Charley, can you get me a shoe to purchase? I always reply like I can’t speak English. Call Queen Elizabeth to buy you one from London. stupid boy)

It could be inferred from the comment above that the English language has no connection to one’s actual competence in dealing with life issues. Kumasi is known for its trade. It is virtually possible to get every product of your choice. However, the nature of trading in this city is sometimes a bit tricky, since you could easily be cheated. Some people, usually students, rely on the natives to get them a product of their choice to avoid being cheated. The user probably used his comment to create the impression that those who claim to be quite enlightened because of their linguistic competence are actually dull in terms of dealing with certain real-life issues. In a nutshell, this tweet creates the impression that English competence does not signal smartness as many perceive it.

Discussion and conclusion

Though this study analyzed what seems to be a banter-oriented discourse on language use among the Kumasi people, insights from the findings do not seem to deviate from reality. Attitudes people portray on social media and sometimes in real-life situations are convincing enough to accept the fact that Ghanaians, especially non-native Akans, are consciously or subconsciously employing subliminal strategies to capsize the persistent growth of Twi as the undoubtedly most frequently used local language in domestic and other non-formal domains of life in Ghana. The persistent growth of Twi as a variety of Akan languages is quite worrying and a potential threat to the survival of many minority languages in Ghana. This could probably be the reason why non-natives of Akan resist institutional attempts to make it a national language (Anyidoho & Dakubu, 2008). Among other reasons, speakers of other native languages seem to perceive the entire Akan people as too controlling and proud. To some extent, other ethnicities resist speaking Twi not because of language proficiency in the language but because they despise how Ghanaians treat the language as though it is a legalized national language or the only language worthy of nationwide recognition (Anyidoho & Dakubu, 2008). The Ga ethnic group in the Greater Accra region, for instance, is experiencing a persistent and significant decline in Ga language speakers. This has led to their constant complaints and agitations about the need to name the streets of Accra after Ga names. While this agitation is successfully addressed most of the time, it tends to reduce Ga to a symbolic language rather than a language of mass communication in the Greater Accra region (Anyidoho & Dakubu, 2008). Natives of Accra, as Anyidoho and Dakubu point out, rarely prefer the use of Ga, especially in the mass media and in churches. They seem content with English or Twi as a medium of communication in churches, leading to the persistent decline and diminished popularity of the language.

The blame cannot be placed solely on the usurping status of the Akan language. The misconceptions of natives of Accra, especially the educated youth, as seen in the Twitter feeds, are rather part of the various reasons for the persistent decline of Ga speakers compared to Twi. The reason for this assertion is that, while the Akans and their language (Twi, in most cases) are permeating all parts of Ghana, especially Accra, there seems to be no calculated effort among the natives of Accra to revitalize their language by encouraging fast-growing Akans to learn Ga. They would rather approach natives of Akan in the English language just to portray the so-called intellectual status associated with it. The Akan’s resistance to speaking English at the expense of their cherished language ends up encouraging Akan/Twi expansionism and possibly the continuous decline of other local languages.

The analysis of Twitter feeds provides us with an understanding that speakers of other languages exhibit limited interest in utilizing social media to promote their indigenous languages. Instead, they demonstrate intense interest in showcasing their perceived intellectual prowess through constant use of English, while stereotyping the people of Kumasi for their persistent efforts to promote the expansion of their cherished Twi. Speakers of other languages should perhaps view the counter-tweets of the supposed Kumasi individuals as a learning opportunity if they intend to promote and preserve their language and ethnic identity. The tweets from the Kumasianos display an extreme level of language loyalty and resistance to any subtle form of Eurocentric neo-colonialism often embedded in language ideology. The Kumasi individuals offer constructive responses aimed at raising awareness about the manifestation of ongoing European dominance through cultural subjugation. This, indeed, raises questions about the notion of Ghana being a sovereign state, as Apronti (1974) argues. The resistance to such cultural subjugation among the people of Kumasi is not surprising, considering that we can trace the roots of such resistance to their opposition to British colonial governance, which led to the war of resistance in 1900 (Arhin, 1967; Brempong, 2000). As Fynn (1971) aptly states, of all the resistance to European dominance by African states, the Ashantis have had the longest experience of resistance. This experience seems to manifest itself in their attitude toward European languages.

From the preceding analysis, it can be inferred that the Twi language is poised to undergo sustained growth both in terms of its speaker base and its acknowledgment as a significant language in Ghana. This is due to its official recognition as the language of education at the primary level in Ghana, coupled with the unwavering commitment of the Akans, the custodians of the widely spoken local language, to preserve its use as their preferred mode of communication, notwithstanding the stereotypes associated with it on social media and other communicative platforms. Another notable inference drawn from the insights gleaned from the Twitter discourse is that Twi appears to be positioned to challenge the hegemony of English in Ghana, as its speakers view it as emblematic of national identity and are inclined to resist the pressure to adopt foreign languages. Lastly, we hypothesize that, unlike Akan languages (especially Twi), more indigenous languages are at risk of extinction within the next one or two generations, as speakers of other minority languages seem to prioritize the prestige associated with speaking English in public settings over the promotion of their native languages.

Limitations and suggestions for further research

This study has offered a constructive insight into the implicit assumption underlying the stereotypical behaviors toward Akans on social media due to their undying love for their native language and their efforts toward the resistance of English hegemony in Ghana. Nonetheless, the study falls short in several dimensions, hence the need to outline these shortcomings and finally offer directions for further research. Foremost, the analysis focused solely on written text on Twitter. Thus, oral text and videos that had themes related to the study’s focus were not considered. Further research could also consider this aspect of Twitter posts to better our understanding of the issues raised in this study. Moreover, the study’s findings cannot be overgeneralized because the tweets analyzed in this study cover a minimal percentage of the entire social media users. A study that involves human participants is therefore needed to gain a better understanding of people regarding the disparaging comments usually targeted at Kumasi people and their language use.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Ernest Nyamekye

Ernest Nyamekye is currently an assistant lecturer at the Department of Arts Education at the University of Cape Coast. He is working toward a PhD in Arts Education, focusing on Ghanaian Languages. Nyamekye’s research covers various areas, including Language and Education, Identity Construction, Constructivism, Critical Pedagogy, Language and Cognition, and Bilingualism and Cognitive Development. Through his teaching, Nyamekye equips students with the skills needed to navigate the complexities of language education in our diverse society. His studies on Language and Identity Construction explore how language shapes how we see ourselves and others. Furthermore, his work on Constructivism in Education and Critical Pedagogy reflects his dedication to using innovative teaching methods that encourage active participation and critical thinking development among students.

God’sgift Ogban Uwen

Dr God’sgift Ogban Uwen is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of English and Literary Studies, University of Calabar, Nigeria. His research interest include: Sociolinguistics, Applied English Linguistics and Semiotics, and he reviews for Scopus indexed journals. He is a member of revered academic and professional associations and has published in reputable journals including Journal of Language, Identity & Education, European Journal of Humour Research, International Journal of Language Education, Language Matters, International Journal of Multilingualism and Forum for Linguistics Studies, Cogent Arts & Humanities and Environment and Social Psychology, among others.