Prescriptive stereotypes, negative attitudes toward older adults, and social participation: surveys on younger and older Japanese

ABSTRACT

Promoting the active engagement of older individuals within society carries significant importance. Nevertheless, negative attitudes toward older adults can act as a hindrance. Such attitudes can be reinforced by anti-old prescriptive stereotypes, including succession (older adults should not accumulate wealth but pass it on to the next generation), identity (older adults should behave like the old), and consumption (older adults should not receive more social security benefits than necessary). We conducted two surveys involving younger (Study 1; N = 436, 18–39 years, M = 30.78) and older individuals (Study 2; N = 1087, 65–92 years, M = 70.69) in Japan. In Study 1, younger participants harboring stronger prescriptive stereotypes displayed more anti-old attitudes. Moreover, those endorsing greater identity stereotypes tended to perceive the old’s social participation in a negative light. In Study 2, older participants perceiving prescriptive stereotypes exhibited more anti-youth attitudes. Furthermore, those who reported higher perceived succession stereotypes displayed heightened depressive tendencies. The recognition of anti-old prescriptive stereotypes should be widely disseminated, and gerontological education should actively work to diminish these stereotypes. For creating a society marked by intergenerational harmony, efforts should be directed toward diminishing anti-old (anti-youth) attitudes among younger (older) individuals.

KEYWORDS:

• Prescriptive stereotypes
• ageism
• social participation
• older adults
• younger people

Introduction

Population aging is a remarkable issue worldwide, including in Japan. In 2021, people aged 65 and over accounted for 28.9% of the total population in Japan (Japan Cabinet Office, 2022). The aging of society is expected to continue, which involves both opportunities and risks. For example, the increase in the number of older adults who are lively and engaged in activities which they want to do and intercultural exchanges with immigrants to compensate for labor shortages will accelerate. However, many social issues, including increased medical costs and rural depopulation, must be addressed. To resolve these issues, we should create a society in which older adults can easily participate (Nonaka et al., 2023; Townsend et al., 2021).

Social participation among older adults has two major benefits: contribution to society and improvement of the old’s health status. First, social participation among older adults allows them to pass on their knowledge and experiences to younger people and the local community (Baker et al., 2018). For example, efforts to promote social participation among older adults have been made in many areas by supporting activities such as picture book reading by older volunteers to children (Fujiwara et al., 2006, 2007) and cleaning local parks (Sato et al., 2016). In addition, the crystallized intelligence of older adults is as high as that of younger people (Glück & Scherpf, 2022), and it is important to pass on the old’s valuable knowledge to the youth. Second, social participation among older adults enhances their health status. For example, it has been shown that older adults’ social participation improves their cognitive function (Wang et al., 2022; Yang et al., 2021), decreases depressive tendency (Chiao et al., 2011; Choi et al., 2021; Ding et al., 2022), prevents frailty (Fang et al., 2022; Xie & Ma, 2021), and increases life satisfaction (Baeriswyl & Oris, 2023; Lee & Choi, 2020). Accordingly, it is important to encourage social participation among older adults.

While the social participation among older adults is encouraged, some psychological factors hinder it. For older adults to feel comfortable participating in society, other generations around them must view the old positively, and older adults need to feel that they are accepted favorably. However, negative attitudes toward older adults persist worldwide, including in Japan (Shimizu et al., 2022; Skipper & Rose, 2021). Negative attitudes, such as ‘I do not want to be near the old’ and ‘I do not want to have anything to do with the old’, are prevalent in a wide range of places including workplaces, nursing homes, local communities, and social networking sites (Abrams et al., 2016; North & Fiske, 2013b; Skipper & Rose, 2021). The underlying cognition of such negative attitudes includes anti-old descriptive stereotypes that older adults are incompetent, stubborn, and unproductive (Drury et al., 2022; Lytle et al., 2020; Weiss & Perry, 2020).

Prescriptive stereotypes toward older adults

In addition to such descriptive stereotypes, anti-old prescriptive stereotype is one of the factors that are associated with negative attitudes toward older adults (Hanrahan et al., 2023; North & Fiske, 2012, 2013b) and social participation among older adults. While descriptive stereotypes concern ‘what older adults are like’, prescriptive stereotypes entail ‘what older adults should be like’ (Gill, 2004). According to North and Fiske (2013b), anti-old prescriptive stereotypes consist of three sub-concepts: succession (older adults should not accumulate wealth but pass it on to the next generation), identity (older adults should behave like the old), and consumption (older adults should not receive more social security benefits than necessary). In addition, a backlash is often directed by younger people toward older adults who actively behave in a youthful manner (Hanrahan et al., 2023; Schoemann & Branscombe, 2011). Moreover, North and Fiske (2013a) presented vignettes portraying older adults who either transgressed or adhered to prescriptive stereotypes. The findings revealed that protagonists deviating from these stereotypes received diminished ratings in both competence and warmth. This trend extended to a reduced motivation to engage in interactions with the protagonists. Accordingly, when older adults encounter younger people through social participation, anti-old prescriptive stereotypes held by the youth may inhibit the old’s independent behavior. Meanwhile, a prescriptive stereotype toward older adults is one of the subjective views of aging (Shrira et al., 2022). Especially, younger people who believe that older people should not stay young may have negative views of aging. Thus, it would be important to examine prescriptive stereotypes in the context of subjective views of aging.

These results align with the expectancy violation theory (EVT; Burgoon & Hale, 1988). EVT posits that when a subject behaves in a manner contrary to expectations, it is more prone to receiving negative evaluations. For instance, Floyd and Voloudakis (1999) observed that within a friendship dynamic, if one participant’s behavior deviated from anticipated norms, the assessment of that individual turned more unfavorable. Hence, older adults may garner negative perceptions if they diverge from the prevailing expectations or prescriptive stereotypes in their environment.

Note that prescriptive stereotypes directed toward older adults may find expression in alternative sub-concepts. As elucidated by de Paula Couto and Rothermund (2022), anti-old prescriptive stereotypes encompass four distinct sub-concepts: disengagement (older adults should yield to the younger generation, utilize resources judiciously, and eschew attempts to appear youthful), activation (older adults should sustain health and an active lifestyle), wisdom (older adults should possess discernment regarding life’s essential facets and transcend self-centered perspectives), and dignity (older adults should lead lives characterized by dignity). de Paula Couto et al. (2022) showed that older adults with higher altruistic disengagement are more likely to believe that they should keep themselves healthy and lead productive lives. Notably, the above four sub-concepts appear to address a more expansive conceptual domain compared to the framework proposed by North and Fiske (2013b). Specifically, the inclusion of ‘wisdom’ and ‘dignity’ introduces novel dimensions warranting meticulous scrutiny in subsequent research. Despite the salience and significance of the aforementioned sub-concepts, this study aligns with the framework of North and Fiske (2013b), a framework extensively cited in prior gerontological and social psychology studies.

Perceived prescriptive stereotypes

Thus far, we have focused on younger people, who hold stereotypes and negative attitudes toward older adults. On the contrary, are older adults with more perceived prescriptive stereotypes less likely to participate in society? This question is effective in clarifying the processes by which intergenerational conflicts are reinforced. Thus, surveys targeting both older adults and younger people need to be conducted.

To begin with, when individuals harbor adverse views toward older adults, they internalize these negative stereotypes, thereby incurring various deleterious consequences on themselves (stereotype embodiment theory; Levy, 2009). Older adults assimilate societal perceptions of aging, contributing to cognitive decline (Siebert et al., 2020) and physiological deterioration, including impacts on blood pressure and heart rate (Levy et al., 2000). In essence, age-related stereotypes metamorphose into ‘self-fulfilling prophecies’, fostering behaviors congruent with one’s predispositions toward older adults (Cohn‐Schwartz et al., 2022; Wurm et al., 2013). These revelations imply that older adults predisposed to prescriptive stereotypes may exhibit a diminished inclination to engage in societal activities.

Furthermore, such individuals may harbor a more unfavorable perception of younger cohorts, a demographic group characterized by adherence to prescriptive stereotypes. Several studies have examined attitudes held by older adults toward younger people. For example, in many workplaces, older employees have reported negative perceptions of younger employees, leading to poor overall organizational performance (Dong et al., 2023; Meinich & Sang, 2018; Paleari et al., 2019). In addition, a survey of Japanese older adults (Harada et al., 2019) indicated that older adults who had less contact with younger people and more experienced ageism were more likely to perceive the young negatively. Thus, it is likely that older adults who feel strongly about prescriptive stereotypes toward older adults are more likely to perceive the youth negatively.

This study also examines whether older adults with more perceived prescriptive stereotypes are more likely to have depressive tendencies, which are a common and worsening state of mental health among older adults (Fiske et al., 2009), and factors that reinforce depression should be eliminated. Many previous studies have shown that older adults with more negative old-age stereotypes and subjective views of aging are more likely to have poorer mental health (Mock & Eibach, 2011; Westerhof et al., 2014; Wettstein et al., 2020). Thus, we also examine whether older adults who perceive more prescriptive stereotypes are more likely to have depressive tendencies. Note that the degree to which they perceive prescriptive stereotypes from their surroundings is different from meta-stereotypes, the inference of stereotypes held by outgroup members toward the ingroup (Klein & Azzi, 2001).

The current study

We investigated anti-old prescriptive stereotypes and conducted two surveys with younger (Study 1) and older (Study 2) Japanese individuals. Specifically, in Study 1, we conducted an online survey of younger people and examined the relationship between anti-old prescriptive stereotypes and negative attitudes toward (1) older adults and (2) social participation among them. In Study 2, we conducted an online survey of older adults and examined the relationship between their perceived prescriptive stereotypes from their surroundings and (1) social participation, (2) negative attitudes toward younger people, and (3) depressive tendencies. To our knowledge, there are no studies that have identified an association between prescriptive stereotypes by younger people and social participation among older adults. By conducting surveys of younger people and older adults, we emphasize that anti-old prescriptive stereotypes may reinforce intergenerational conflicts.

Study 1

Anti-old prescriptive stereotypes may lead to anti-old discriminatory behavior when the stereotypes are associated with negative emotions. In addition, the more negative the attitude toward older adults, the more negatively their social participation will be perceived. If such an association exists, reducing prescriptive stereotypes is an urgent issue in promoting social participation among older adults. In Study 1, we examine the hypothesis that younger people with more prescriptive stereotypes have more negative attitudes toward (1) older adults and (2) social participation among them. Since both quantity and quality of contact experience with older adults are significantly associated with anti-old negative attitudes (Nicol et al., 2021; Shimizu & Grassi, 2022; Shimizu et al., 2023), we control for contact experience with older adults. Note that this study does not address the negative attitude that ‘older people do not participate in society’. While addressing such an attitude is important, it is outside the scope of this study.

Methods

Participants

A total of 553 young Japanese individuals (aged 18–39 years) participated in this study. The participants were recruited by Intage Inc., a leading Japanese research firm. They were drawn from a wide range of regions throughout Japan. Participants who did not respond to the item on sex (N = 13) and who answered incorrectly to the item ‘Please select the second from the right, “I agree” for this item’ (N = 105) were excluded (including duplication). We do not know the exact reason why so many people answered this trap question incorrectly. Perhaps this question did not stand out because it was placed in a scale measuring negative attitudes toward older adults, rather than presented alone. The data used for the analysis were N = 436 (232 females and 204 males), with a mean age of 30.78 years (SD = 6.01). The survey was conducted in December 2022.

Questionnaire items

The participants responded to the following items online using their computers. Prescriptive stereotypes were measured using North and Fiske’s (2013b) 20 items (all the following utilized a six-point Likert scale). Succession was measured by eight items (α = .90), including ‘Most older people don’t know when to make way for younger people’. Identity was measured by five items (α = .90), including ‘Older people shouldn’t even try to act cool’. Consumption was measured by seven items (α = .82), including ‘Older people are too big a burden on the healthcare system’. Minor modifications were made to the Japanese version of the questionnaire. Each mean was calculated, with higher scores indicating more prescriptive stereotypes.

Negative attitudes toward older adults were measured using the 14 items (α = .91) of the Japanese short version of the Fraboni Scale of Ageism (Harada et al., 2004), including ‘Many old people are stingy and hoard their money and possessions’. The mean was calculated, with higher scores indicating more negative attitudes toward older adults.

Negative attitudes toward older people’s social participation were measured by three items (α = .80), including ‘I want older adults to participate actively in society (reversed item)’. The mean was calculated, with higher scores indicating more negative attitudes toward older people’s social participation.

The quantitative aspect of contact experience with older adults was measured using Shimizu and Grassi’s (2022) one item, namely, ‘Do you think you have a lot of contact with older adults on a daily basis?’ The qualitative aspect was measured using Shimizu and Grassi’s (2022) two items, including ‘When you have a contact with older adults, do you find it to be a friendly relationship?’ The mean was determined (r = .72, 95%CI = [.67, .76], p < .001), with higher scores indicating a higher quality of contact experience.

The participants were asked about their age perceptions of older adults. In this study, we explicitly defined the term ‘older adults’ referring to people aged 65 and older. However, we considered that responses could vary depending on what age group the Study 1 participants imagined ‘older adults’ to be. Thus, we asked age perception of older adults. It was measured by the single item, ‘When responding to this survey, how old did you imagine the old to be?’ The options were: (1) 65–69 years, (2) 70–74 years, (3) 75–79 years, (4) 80–84 years, (5) 85–89 years, and (6) 90 years or older.

Regarding demographics, the participants were asked about their subjective wealth, age, and sex. Subjective wealth was measured using a single item: ‘How do you feel about your current economic situation?’ Responses to this item were scored, with higher scores indicating a higher subjective wealth. Questionnaire items (Appendix A), data, and R scripts are available from the Open Science Framework (OSF) repository (https://osf.io/9zh6e/).

Results

The means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients of each variable are listed in Table 1. The frequency distribution of age perceptions of older adults is also shown the footnotes in Table 1. Participants with more succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward older adults (in order, r = .61, 95%CI = [.55, .66], p < .001; r = .62, 95%CI = [.56, .68], p < .001; r = .65, 95%CI = [.60, .70], p < .001). In addition, those with more succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward social participation among older adults (in order, r = .17, 95%CI = [.08, .26], p < .001; r = .41, 95%CI = [.32, .48], p < .001; r = .23, 95%CI = [.14, .32], p < .001).

Table 1. Means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients for each variable (study 1).

		M	SD	Range	1		2		3		4		5		6		7		8		9		10
1	succession	3.65	0.99	1–6	―
2	identity	2.35	0.99	1–6	.40**		―
3	consumption	3.09	0.87	1–6	.71**		.51**		―
4	negative attitudes	2.97	0.84	1–6	.61**		.62**		.65**		―
5	attitudes to SP	2.68	0.92	1–6	.17**		.41**		.23**		.35**		―
6	contact (quantity)	3.28	1.44	1–6	−.05		−.11*		−.02		−.09		−.21**		―
7	contact (quality)	3.81	0.98	1–6	−.24**		−.33**		−.28**		−.47**		−.39**		.27**		―
8	subjective wealth	3.05	0.98	1–6	−.09		−.05		−.07		−.05		−.08		.02		.17**		―
9	age	30.78	6.01	18–39	−.01		−.07		.03		−.02		−.03		.01		.06		−.01		―
10	sex (0 = female, 1 = male)			―	.04		.07		.12*		.07		.05		.02		−.09		−.11*		.05		―
11	age perceptions	―	―	1–6	−.05		.01		−.01		−.05		−.04		.09		.01		.13**		.03		−.20**

Note. SP = social participation. Sex: female (n = 232), male (n = 204). Age perceptions: (1) 65–69 years (n = 54), (2) 70–74 years (n = 169), (3) 75–79 years (n = 107), (4) 80–84 years (n = 84), (5) 85–89 years (n = 16), and (6) 90 years or older (n = 6). The correlation coefficients for age perception are Spearman’s correlation coefficients, and the others are Pearson’s correlation coefficients. **p < .01, *p < .05.

Multiple regression analysis was also conducted with negative attitudes toward older adults and social participation among them as dependent variables and prescriptive stereotypes, contact experience, age perceptions of older adults, and demographics as independent variables (Table 2). The results showed that those with higher succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward older adults (in order, β = .25, 95%CI = [.16, .33], p < .001; β = .32, 95%CI = [.25, .39], p < .001; β = .25, 95%CI = [.16, .34], p < .001). Participants with higher identity stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward older adults’ social participation (β = .31, 95%CI = [.21, .41], p < .001). We conducted an additional analysis with interactions between prescriptive stereotypes and age perceptions of older adults (see Appendix B in the OSF). Even in that case, the main effects were similar to those in the main text, and no significant interaction was found. Additionally, as an exploratory analysis, we posted the results of an analysis that included an interaction between prescriptive stereotypes and the quality of contact experience on the OSF (Appendix C). Briefly written, when negative attitudes toward older adults were dependent variable, significant interactions between succession/identity stereotypes and contact quality were observed. When negative attitudes toward the old’s social participation were dependent variable, a significant interaction between succession stereotypes and contact quality was observed.

Table 2. Multiple regression results on negative attitudes toward older adults and the old’s social participation (study 1).

	negative attitudes toward older adults		negative attitudes toward the old’s social participation		VIF
	β	95%CI	β	95%CI
succession	.25**	[.16, .33]	−.06	[−.17, .06]	2.04
identity	.32**	[.25, .39]	.31**	[.21, .41]	1.44
consumption	.25**	[.16, .34]	.04	[−.09, .17]	2.34
contact (quantity)	.03	[−.03, .09]	−.10*	[−.19, −.01]	1.11
contact (quality)	−.26**	[−.32, −.19]	−.26**	[−.36, −.17]	1.27
age perception	−.03	[−.09, .03]	−.04	[−.12, .05]	1.08
subjective wealth	.06	[.00, .12]	−.02	[−.10, .07]	1.06
age	.01	[−.05, .07]	.01	[−.08, .09]	1.02
sex	−.02	[−.08, .04]	−.01	[−.10, .07]	1.08
adjusted R^2	.62**	[.57, .68]	.24**	[.17, .30]	―

Note. The regression coefficients were standardized. Sex: 0 = female; 1 = male. **p < .01, *p < .05.

Discussion

In Study 1, we found that participants with more prescriptive stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward older adults and social participation among them. These associations remained pronounced even after controlling for contact experience with older adults, age perceptions of older adults, and demographics. Accordingly, our hypothesis was supported.

The identity prescriptive stereotype was significantly associated with negative attitudes toward the social participation of older people. Although older adults participate in society in a diverse array of ways (Aroogh & Shahboulaghi, 2020; Townsend et al., 2021; Xie & Ma, 2021), perhaps the image of ‘social participation’ held by younger people would be lively activities that involve physical exercise, including volunteer work in the community. Older adults who can engage in such activities are often energetic and healthy. Thus, it is likely that younger people with more prescriptive stereotypes, such as ‘older adults should behave like the old’, had more negative attitudes toward older adults’ social participation. This is consistent with previous research findings that backlash is directed toward older adults who behave in a youthful manner (Hanrahan et al., 2023; Schoemann & Branscombe, 2011). Note that, in the future, we should examine in detail what kind of image younger people have of older adults’ participation in society.

As shown in Table 2, participants with higher qualitative aspects of contact experience with older adults had fewer negative attitudes toward them and more positive views of the old’s social participation. The size of regression coefficients for the quality of contact experience was not remarkably different from the size of coefficients for prescriptive stereotypes, and both were statistically significant. Consequently, in alignment with myriad antecedent studies, investigations centering on the contact experience with older adults, exemplified by endeavors such as intergenerational exchanges, bear substantive significance.

Meanwhile, there is a possibility that the prescriptive stereotype scale (North & Fiske, 2013b) may encompass a broader spectrum, measuring anti-old descriptive stereotypes. Despite the prescriptive stereotypes being articulated in the context of ‘older adults should/should not engage in specific behaviors’, the scale items also include different aspects. This diversity could result in a comparatively robust correlation between prescriptive stereotypes and negative attitudes directed towards older adults. Although the scale’s reliability and validity have been rigorously established, having been employed in numerous antecedent studies, prospective investigations might necessitate fine-tuning of the scale for enhanced precision.

Study 2

When discussing intergenerational conflicts, attention should be paid to the attitudes of not only younger people toward the old but also older adults toward the youth. We focused on the undesirable effects of perceived prescriptive stereotypes on older adults in Study 2. Concurrently, social participation manifests in diverse modalities, encompassing intergenerational exchanges. For example, older adults could interact with younger people in the workplace and in volunteer activities. Consequently, the apprehension arising from perceived prescriptive stereotypes about older adults may diminish their proclivity to engage in societal interactions, driven by a fear of interfacing with younger generations. We also believe that older adults with more perceived prescriptive stereotypes are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward younger people who direct rather uncomfortable glances at the old. In addition, anti-old prescriptive stereotypes may be related to the mental health status of the old, including depressive tendencies. Therefore, we conduct an online survey of older adults and examine the hypothesis that older participants who perceive more prescriptive stereotypes from their surroundings (1) are less likely to participate in society, (2) have more negative attitudes toward younger people, and (3) have more depressive tendencies.

Methods

Participants

A total of 1098 Japanese older adults (aged 65–92 years) participated in the study. The participants were recruited by Intage Inc., a leading Japanese research firm. They were drawn from a wide range of regions throughout Japan. Participants who did not respond to the items regarding sex (N = 11) were excluded. The data used for the analysis were N = 1087 (541 females and 546 males), with a mean age of 70.69 years (SD = 4.65). The survey was conducted in March 2023.

Questionnaire items

Participants responded to the following items online using their computers. Perceived succession stereotypes were measured using the single item (unless otherwise noted, all the following evaluated on a six-point Likert scale), ‘I sense a social atmosphere in which older adults should not accumulate wealth but pass it on to the next generation’. Perceived identity stereotypes were measured using the single item, ‘I sense a social atmosphere in which older adults should behave like older people, without making themselves look unnecessarily young’. Perceived consumption stereotypes were measured using a single item, namely, ‘I sense a social atmosphere in which older adults should not receive more social security than they need’.

Social participation was measured using Okamoto’s (2010) 14 items (α = .90), including ‘I have felt that I have made a contribution to my community’. The mean was calculated, with higher scores indicating more social participation.

Negative attitudes toward younger people were measured by the seven items (α = .74) of Harada et al. (2019), including ‘Young people often complain a lot’. The mean was calculated, with higher scores indicating more negative attitudes toward younger people.

Depressive tendencies were measured by the six items (α = .86; five-point Likert scale) of Kessler et al. (2002), including ‘Have you recently felt nervous?’ The mean values were calculated, with higher scores indicating more depressive tendencies.

Contact experience with younger people was measured by changing ‘older adults’ in Study 1 items to ‘younger people’. The correlation coefficient between the two items on the qualitative aspect was .52 (95%CI = [.47, .56], p < .001). Regarding demographics, the participants’ subjective wealth, age, and sex were assessed.

Results

The means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients of each variable are listed in Table 3. There was a weak correlation that older adults with more perceived succession stereotypes were more likely to participate in society (r = .08, 95%CI = [.02, .14], p = .01). The participants with more perceived succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward younger people (in order, r = .22, 95%CI = [.16, .27], p < .001; r = .39, 95%CI = [.33, .44], p < .001; r = .28, 95%CI = [.22, .33], p < .001). In addition, those with more perceived succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more depressive tendencies (in order, r = .14, 95%CI = [.09, .20], p < .001; r = .12, 95%CI = [.06, .18], p < .001; r = .12, 95%CI = [.06, .18], p < .001).

Table 3. Means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients for each variable (study 2).

		M	SD	Range	1		2		3		4		5		6		7		8		9		10
1	succession	2.92	0.96	1–6	―
2	identity	2.80	0.96	1–6	.26***		―
3	consumption	3.12	1.06	1–6	.30**		.22**		―
4	social participation	3.63	0.73	1–6	.08*		−.05		−.01		―
5	anti-youth attitudes	2.87	0.62	1–6	.22**		.39**		.28**		−.20**		―
6	depression	1.57	0.60	1–5	.14**		.12**		.12**		−.32**		.22**		―
7	contact (quantity)	2.87	1.16	1–6	.08*		−.05		.00		.50**		−.15**		−.14**		―
8	contact (quality)	3.80	0.79	1–6	.04		−.12**		−.03		.54**		−.34**		−.21**		.41**		―
9	subjective wealth	3.43	0.94	1–6	−.04		−.04		−.09**		.33**		−.13**		−.37**		.12**		.19**		―
10	age	70.69	4.65	65–92	.03		.06		−.01		.05		.04		−.06		−.04		−.03		.05		―
11	sex	(0 = female, 1 = male)			−.06*		.10**		−.02		−.04		.15**		.02		−.04		−.08**		−.03		.07*

Note. Sex: female (n = 541), male (n = 546). **p < .01, *p < .05.

Multiple regression analysis was also conducted with social participation, negative attitudes toward younger people, and depressive tendencies as dependent variables, while perceived prescriptive stereotypes, contact experience, and demographics were taken as independent variables (Table 4). The results indicated that perceived prescriptive stereotypes were not associated with the degree of social participation. Regarding this, similar results were obtained when a Bayesian analysis was performed (see Appendix D in the OSF). Participants with more perceived succession, identity, and consumption stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward younger people (in order, β = .11, 95%CI = [.06, .17], p < .001; β = .27, 95%CI = [.22, .32], p < .001; β = .17, 95%CI = [.12, .23], p < .001). Participants with more perceived succession stereotypes had more depressive tendencies (β = .12, 95%CI = [.06, .18], p < .001). Regarding this, an additional multiple regression analysis was conducted with depressive tendencies as a dependent variable, while social participation, negative attitudes toward younger people, perceived prescriptive stereotypes, contact experience, and demographics were taken as independent variables (see Appendix E in the OSF). As a result, participants with more perceived succession stereotypes had more depressive tendencies. Accordingly, our hypothesis is partially supported. Additionally, as an exploratory analysis, we posted the results of an analysis that included an interaction between perceived prescriptive stereotypes and the quality of contact experience on the OSF (Appendix F). Briefly written, when negative attitudes toward the young were dependent variable, a significant interaction between perceived consumption stereotypes and contact quality was observed. When depressive tendencies were dependent variable, a significant interaction between perceived succession stereotypes and contact quality was observed.

Table 4. Multiple regression results on social participation, negative attitudes toward younger people, and depressive tendencies (study 2).

	social participation		negative attitudes toward the young		depressive tendencies		VIF
	β	95%CI	β	95%CI	β	95%CI
per. succession	.04	[−.01, .09]	.11**	[.06, .17]	.12**	[.06, .18]	1.17
per. identity	.01	[−.04, .05]	.27**	[.22, .32]	.05	[−.01, .11]	1.14
per. consumption	.02	[−.03, .06]	.17**	[.12, .23]	.04	[−.02, .10]	1.13
contact (quantity)	.33**	[.28, .38]	−.02	[−.08, .03]	−.07*	[−.13, −.01]	1.21
contact (quality)	.36**	[.31, .41]	−.28**	[−.34, −.22]	−.12**	[−.18, −.06]	1.25
subjective wealth	.22**	[.18, .27]	−.04	[−.09, .02]	−.32**	[−.38, −.27]	1.05
age	.06**	[.02, .11]	.01	[−.04, .06]	−.05	[−.11, .00]	1.02
sex	.00	[−.04, .05]	.11**	[.06, .16]	.01	[−.05, .06]	1.03
adjusted R^2	.44**	[.39, .48]	.29**	[.25, .33]	.18**	[.14, .22]	―

Note. The regression coefficients were standardized. Per. = perceived. Sex: 0 = female; 1 = male. **p < .01, *p < .05.

Discussion

In Study 2, no association was found between perceived prescriptive stereotypes and social participation. On the contrary, participants with more perceived prescriptive stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward younger people. In addition, those with more perceived succession stereotypes had more depressive tendencies. The novelty and significance of showing the association between perceived prescriptive stereotypes and depressive tendencies among older adults is relatively small. However, we believe that it is worthwhile to demonstrate once again with data what is taken for granted. One reason for the association between perceived succession stereotypes and depressive tendencies, which is only a conjecture, is that older adults with more perceived succession stereotypes may be more likely to feel that the significance of their savings and status is denied or belittled by their surroundings. The acquisition of such experiences on a daily basis would be associated with higher depressive tendencies. Among older participants, the wealth and status amassed throughout their extensive lifespans are perceived as a source of considerable pride. The denial of these attributes by the younger generation may engender profound feelings of despondency. Furthermore, older adults endowed with a greater extent and enhanced quality of contact experiences with younger individuals exhibited heightened levels of social participation. Those seniors who engage more frequently with younger counterparts can be regarded as dynamically contributing to their workplaces and communities. Additionally, older individuals fostering positive interactions with the younger generation are inclined to actively engage in societal activities, notably through intergenerational exchanges.

As shown in Table 4, participants with higher qualitative aspects of contact experience with younger people had more social participation, fewer negative attitudes toward the young, and fewer depressive tendencies. This is consistent with the results of Study 1, which targeted younger participants. Consequently, anticipations lean toward the continued advancement of research centered on contact experiences, such as intergenerational exchanges.

Simultaneously, it is noteworthy that subjective wealth exhibited a significant correlation with social participation and depressive tendencies. Older adults endowed with elevated subjective wealth perceive themselves as possessing ample resources, encompassing financial means and tools for social engagement, potentially translating into heightened societal involvement. Furthermore, our findings suggest that older adults harboring insecurities about their financial standing are predisposed to a higher likelihood of experiencing depression. Hence, addressing the support needs of financially disadvantaged older adults emerges as a pressing imperative.

Findings from Study 2, while noteworthy, are encumbered by a prominent limitation. The study’s online nature raises the specter of potential self-selection bias, possibly skewing participation toward relatively healthy older adults. Subsequent scrutiny through mail surveys employing random sampling is imperative to rectify this limitation and enhance the generalizability of results. Incidentally, akin to our present inquiry, extant literature highlights the feasibility of involving older individuals in less-than-optimal health in online surveys. For instance, Shimizu et al. (2023b) enlisted community-dwelling older adults aged 65 and above online, revealing that 63.4% exhibited pre-frailty, while 15.4% manifested frailty. Thus, the plausible inclusion of older adults in suboptimal health bolsters the assertion that online surveys can transcend health disparities in participation. Of course, this study did not adequately measure the participants’ nursing care needs, etc., and future studies are needed.

General discussion

In Study 1, we found that younger people with more prescriptive stereotypes had more negative attitudes toward older adults and were less accepting of the latter’s social participation. These associations were still pronounced even after controlling for the participants’ contact experience with older adults, age perceptions of older adults, and demographics. In Study 2, we showed that older adults with more perceived prescriptive stereotypes from their surroundings had more negative attitudes toward younger people and more depressive tendencies. These associations remained pronounced even after controlling for the participants’ contact experience with younger people and demographics.

In Study 2, no significant association emerged between the extent of perceived prescriptive stereotypes and social participation. One plausible explanation is that the scope of social participation assessed in this study encompasses activities devoid of interactions with younger individuals. Even when older adults encounter adverse prescriptive stereotypes from their milieu, engagement in social activities confined to old-age community remains unimpeded. Consequently, forthcoming investigations should confine their focus to social participation inclusive of interactions with younger cohorts.

The strength of this study is that we examined negative attitudes toward not only older adults held by younger people, which have been addressed in many previous studies, but also younger people held by older adults. This study also examined the effects of anti-old prescriptive stereotypes on social participation and depressive tendencies among older adults. We believe that our findings will contribute to the formation of a comfortable society in which intergenerational cooperative behavior is often observed. To further develop this study, it would be useful to focus on the sense of how long people conjecture it will be before they become older (i.e. subjective time to become older; Shimizu, 2021). Younger people approach older adults as they get older, and unless they die young, everyone will become older one day, which is a unique characteristic of age-based social groups. Specifically, such a relationship does not apply to other cases, including ‘men and women’ or ‘whites and blacks’. It has been shown that reducing the subjective time to become older held by younger people can lead to less anti-old attitudes (Shimizu & Grassi, 2022). Accordingly, it is worthwhile to comprehensively examine the relationship between anti-old prescriptive stereotypes and the subjective time to become older.

From December 2022 to March 2023, when this study was conducted, the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic was subsiding but remained a significant threat to the Japanese population. Under such circumstances, a composition of ‘older people at high risk of serious illness’ vs. ‘younger people forced to refrain’ became apparent. In the mass media, older adults and COVID-19 are often discussed in close-knit association (Ayalon, 2020; Ng et al., 2021). In addition, negative attitudes toward older adults have been reinforced based on the perception that the future of the youth is sacrificed for the sake of older adults (Brooke & Jackson, 2020; Skipper & Rose, 2021; Spaccatini et al., 2022). Thus, intergenerational conflicts have become more pronounced due to the COVID-19 pandemic (Lytle & Levy, 2022), and the alleviation of such conflicts is an urgent issue. Unfortunately, we could not measure certain variables such as a history of COVID-19 or fear of infection. Future empirical studies should endeavor to consider such variables.

In all of the multiple regression analyses conducted in this study, the R² values were statistically significant (see Tables 2 and 4), and the regression models were not meaningless. Among them, the R² value of the analysis with negative attitudes toward older adults as the dependent variable in Study 1 was large. This may be due to the conceptual proximity of prescriptive stereotypes and negative attitudes toward older adults. However, they are not the same concept and should be considered separately (see Introduction).

All participants in this study were Japanese. It was reported that people in East Asia, including Japan, tended to place more emphasis on respect for older adults (Cuddy et al., 2005). However, recent studies have found that East Asians have more negative attitudes toward older adults rather than Westerners (Hövermann & Messner, 2023; North, 2022). In addition, in relation to the social participation among older adults, Japan still has a strong culture of lifetime employment and mandatory retirement, and these institutional factors might have some specific effects. Thus, it is uncertain whether our findings can be applied directly to participants in other countries. On the contrary, cultural difference research on prescriptive stereotypes toward older adults is far from sufficient, and further studies are expected.

Limitations and future directions

Our findings notwithstanding, this study has four major limitations. First, this study adheres to a cross-sectional paradigm, rendering causal relationships elusive. In Study 1, we assumed that prescriptive stereotypes predict negative attitudes toward older adults; conversely, negative attitudes might shape prescriptive stereotypes. Correspondingly, in Study 2, the reinforcement of negative attitudes toward younger people may increase perceived prescriptive stereotypes. Therefore, it is required to verify the causal relationship through experimental manipulation.

Second, several constructs were measured by a single item. To illustrate, each of the three perceived prescriptive stereotypes in Study 2 was assessed through a solitary item. Consequently, this study failed to encapsulate a diverse array of facets pertaining to perceived prescriptive stereotypes. There is also the problem that reliability coefficients (such as Cronbach’s alpha) cannot be calculated with the single-item measures. Subsequent investigations ought to devise a multi-item scale tailored for the measurement of such stereotypes directed at older adults.

Third, we could not examine some important covariates. For example, we need to test the effect of the participants’ residential areas. The difference in the aging rate between urban and rural areas in Japan is significant, and the effects of current or childhood residence on negative attitudes toward older adults cannot be ignored. Specifically, compared to urban areas, younger people living in rural areas have more daily contact with older adults in their communities and may have fewer anti-old attitudes (Ayalon, 2013; Sugii, 2007). On the contrary, differences between urban and rural areas regarding the negative attitudes held by older adults toward younger people have not been fully examined. Furthermore, this study did not measure the educational background of the participants. The influence of educational history on responses may be significant, especially for older participants. In addition, the health status of older participants was not measured in Study 2. Variables such as subjective health, presence of frailty, and performance on cognitive function tests should be measured and our findings need to be re-examined.

Fourth, we did not examine specific aspects of social participation. Social participation among older adults takes various forms (Aroogh & Shahboulaghi, 2020; Townsend et al., 2021; Xie & Ma, 2021), and younger participants could have imagined many different types of ‘social participation’. Thus, some forms of social participation among older adults may be viewed highly negatively. For example, an older senior executive may remain with a company even though he or she is unable to work sufficiently. In contrast, volunteer activities, such as watching over children in the community or cleaning up, are viewed positively by younger people (Bowen & Skirbekk, 2013; Wurtele & Maruyama, 2013). It is necessary to examine the types of social participation and the attitudes held toward each in detail.

Herein, we focus on younger people who hold anti-old prescriptive stereotypes and older adults who are subject to such stereotypes. In countries such as Japan, especially where the population is aging rapidly, it is important to form societies in which younger people and older adults can cooperate easily. To establish such a society, we should reduce negative attitudes toward older adults (younger people) among younger people (older people). Previous studies suggested some kinds of interventions, such as interacting with older adults and younger people (Burnes et al., 2019; Petersen, 2023), reducing the descriptive stereotype that older adults are weak and vulnerable through education (Shimizu et al., 2023a), and manifesting the fact that everyone will one day become older (Shimizu et al., 2022, 2023). We hope for more gerontological and psychological research geared toward reducing intergenerational conflicts in the future.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Data availability statement

The data used in this study were posted on the Open Science Framework (OSF) repository (https://osf.io/9zh6e/).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the JSPS KAKENHI (22KJ1007) and the Sompo Welfare Foundation.