‘Les noirs ne sont pas des cuisiniers, c’est des plongeurs!’: exploring the lived experience of migrant cooks in Paris

ABSTRACT

A global shortage of chefs and cooks currently exists within the hospitality industry, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. Migrant cooks are essential to the culinary industry, yet remain relatively anonymous within the academic literature, a research gap which this original paper seeks to address. Using a phenomenological epistemology, combined with the theoretical framework of hospitality and practice theory, this qualitative research focused on investigating the lived experience of the professional lives and identities of immigrant cooks working in Paris, France, the birthplace of the restaurant. Extant literature was reviewed, and a focus group with migrant cooks explored themes within and missing from the literature, followed by eight in-depth semi-structured interviews with migrant cooks. Thematic analysis of the transcribed interviews revealed two main themes: challenges and attitude. The ‘Challenges’ theme had two sub-themes: (1) integration and segregation, and (2) human resource issues. The second theme ‘Attitude’ also had two sub-themes: (1) what it means to be a cook, or ‘agency’ and (2) gastronomy. The findings should be of interest to hospitality professionals, policy makers, academics, and advocates for migrant workers’ rights. We conclude that the hospitality industry should be more hospitable toward its staff – particularly toward migrants.

KEYWORDS:

• Migrant cooks
• chefs
• Paris
• gastronomy
• phenomenology
• hospitality

Introduction

Paris has been long recognized as the culinary capital of the world, is the birthplace of the restaurant, and regularly features among the top ten world city destinations (Batat, 2020; Farrer, 2021; Mac Con Iomaire, 2015; Trubek, 2000). In 2019, Paris received a record 38 million visitors, resulting in a €4.5 billion turnover in the hotel sector and adding significant tourist tax revenue to the French economy. Food in tourism (Mulcahy, 2017) accounts for up to 35% of tourists’ spending, impacting the broader food service industry, with gastro-tourists seeking unique food and drink experiences (Dixit, 2021; Mandal et al., 2021). The hospitality industry relies on and will continue to rely on, migrant and immigrant labor to function under its labor-intensive operation model (Baum, 2012; Janta et al., 2011; Vassou et al., 2017). This research is based on the idea that it is important to better understand the working lives of immigrant cooks, their lived experiences, and their roles, functions and contributions to society. The lack of research on migrant cooks is not only a Parisian or a French issue. In pre-Brexit Britain, in London specifically, the migrant cook population was almost 60% (Lane, 2016), and now post-Covid-19, new migrant labor laws are exacerbating existing labor shortages in the sector (Coghlan, 2020; European Business Magazine, 2020). While the experiences of migrant chefs can be transformative (Diawara, 2009; Krings et al., 2013; McNamee, 2019), they can equally be a form of slavery and exploitation (Du, 2020; Mooney, 2018). Employing a phenomenological epistemology, this qualitative research explores the lived experience of migrant cooks in Paris using purposive sampling and adopting an emic posture. Three specific groups of migrant cooks (Chinese, Turkish and Japanese) have been omitted from this exploratory study for reasons which are outlined within the literature review.

Migrant labor within the hospitality industry is a truly international phenomenon. In 2020, 22% of hospitality sector employees in the United States were migrant workers (New American Economy, 2020). However, with 6.3 million jobs (45% of the workforce) lost in that same year due to the Covid-19 pandemic (New American Economy, 2020), the figure of 31% from previous years, would be more representative (Singer, 2015). While these statistical figures are available, Wright and Pollert (2005) noted that limited research has been carried out concerning the working lives of immigrant cooks in the hospitality industry. A decade later, Ray (2016, p. 1) reported the same issue and referred to it as ‘blindness.’ Ray’s The Ethnic Restaurateur states that despite immigrants playing a significant role in the development of the food and beverage industry in the United States, there has been minimal academic investigation carried out into their cuisine, or their contribution to the industry (Ray, 2016). This ‘blindness’ could equally extend to cooks in France; a keyword search in the library of the French national museum of immigration (Musée Nationale de l’Histoire d’Immigration) resulted in only three culinary industry-related articles (Diawara, 2009; Petit, 2011; Poinsot & Hal, 2010), discussing African, Sri Lankan and Moroccan migrants, while a fourth referred more generally to gastronomy and immigration, and the place of the immigrants’ national foods in their adopted country and society (Barou, 2010). Some journalism (Fikri, 2008; Le Monde, 2008) and later academic literature (Barron et al., 2016; Kahmann, 2015) focussed on the ‘sans papiers’ strikes by undocumented Parisian culinary workers in 2008, however, little qualitative literature exists on the ‘lived experience’ of migrant chefs in Paris. Recent ethnographic research on Indian migrants in Marseille (Corrêa, 2020) and Chinese migrants in Paris (Du, 2020) looks promising. Lacunae persist despite immigrants’ high representation rates in the restaurant, hotel, and café sectors (DARES, 2012, p. 7), which begs the question, why?

Following the practice turn in sociology (Kalogeropoulos et al., 2020; Schatzki, 2018), practice theory which incorporates Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of practice assists in understanding how things are done “know how” and not just what is done “know that.” This phenomenological paper explores the “lived experience” of migrant cooks and chefs working in Paris, France within their “praxis” and “habitus.” Employing the theoretical lenses of both practice theory (Bourdieu, 1977) and the theory of hospitality (Derrida, 2002; Fotou, 2016; Lashley, 2015; Telfer, 2000), this study explores migrant cooks’ perceptions of their position within the culinary industry in Paris. It also explores whether they feel the Parisian culinary industry recognizes their potential and value and whether it is doing enough to be hospitable to them as stakeholders within an industry dependent on migrant labor.

It is expected that this research will add to the growing academic literature on migrant chefs and be of interest to industry practitioners, policy makers, academics, and advocates for migrant workers’ rights. This qualitative exploratory research using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) aims to build a theory which makes it possible to think in terms of theoretical transferability rather than empirical generalizability (Smith et al., 2009). The terms ‘chef’ and ‘cook’ are used interchangeably throughout this paper to move away from the historic gendered practice of male chefs and female cooks. Where the term chef refers to the ‘chief’ or leader, the term ‘head chef’ or ‘executive chef’ is used.

This article answers the research question: What is the identity and ‘lived experience’ of the immigrant cook in Paris?

Literature review

France has historically been a country of welcome and refuge for migrants (Barou, 2014; Héran, 2016; Triandafyllidou, 2016). The last decade, however, has witnessed a significant change in the rhetoric surrounding immigration and migrants, with growing negativity surrounding this population group (Mouhoud, 2017; Triandafyllidou, 2016). Notably, this sentiment exists despite the many studies confirming migrant workers’ positive contributions to societies and economies (Rosello, 2001).

The activities of the working immigrant population of France is followed by the Institut Nationale de la Statistique et des Études Économique (INSEE) on an annual basis. It is reported that immigrants from second and third-world countries are over-represented in construction, janitorial, child care, and services industries such as hospitality and security (Héran, 2016). Evidence points to a glass ceiling for immigrant workers (Ho and Alcorso, 2004) and, in France specifically, to an issue with the societal integration of immigrants and discrimination (Barou, 2014; Triandafyllidou, 2016). Glass ceilings are usually associated with women, and Black (2021) has recently explored the sociology of women and work in professional French kitchens. Her findings explore the absence of women and other minorities, including migrants, from the historic record of French gastronomic history. Systematic searches within the INSEE library databases, Cairn (French language web portal of social science and humanities journals), and keyword searches in Google Scholar highlighted a dearth of information as to who the immigrant cooks are, and what their identities are, indicating the limited scope for their voice within this celebrated and iconic industry in France.

The information which is available regarding immigrant cooks is either statistical, inaccurate (Durupt & Cuccagna, 2014; Glick Schiller & Salazar, 2012) or journalistic (Charette, 2008; Chevalerie de la, 2011; Damgé, 2016; Le Monde, 2008). Glick Schiller and Salazar (2012, p. 192) argue that migration statistics are ‘organised by, and in the interests of, national governments.’ In the French realm, much of the academic literature relating to immigrant labor and immigrant workforce issues mention cooking or cooks, but only as part of broader conversations on the subjects of integration, labor force access, discrimination or the ‘sans papier’ movement (Barron et al., 2016; Kahmann, 2015). Within the journalistic genre, the established narrative is repeated uncritically with little real exploration or discovery exhibited. For example, it is consistently reported that the immigrant labor force turns toward the restaurant and hospitality sector (along with the construction, cleaning or childminding sectors) because they are easy to access jobs if one doesn’t speak the language of the host country (Aasland & Tyldum, 2016; Birrell et al., 2009; Bobek et al., 2008). However, the opposite was found to be the case during the interviews carried out for this research. Language proved to be a real barrier, and a cause of anxiety and stress for migrant cooks in their daily working lives. Furthermore, writing on chefs and cooks within the available literature frequently appears binary, dividing the workforce in two. Situations are often presented in a mutually exclusive manner: cooking is either represented as being in the category of the three ‘D’s (dirty, dangerous, demeaning) occupied by migrants or conversely implicitly for ‘native’ chefs as a ‘sought-after’ sector with links to celebrity (Black, 2021; Ferguson & Zukin, 1998; Prayag et al., 2021). Elite chefs travel with cultural or culinary capital (Bourdieu, 1984; Naccarato & Lebesco, 2013) often labeled ‘expatriates’ (O’Brien, 2010), while other cooks who travel are called migrants and are treated with suspicion as the ‘Other’ (Axelsson et al., 2017; Corrêa, 2020; Du, 2020; Liu, 2020). Villegas (2006) reinforces this point, noting that cooks are often forgotten about, except for media-friendly French star chefs, and that a silent, anonymous immigrant labor force that cooks co-exists, and often underpins the celebrity chef phenomenon.

Chef identity

Ladenis, (1997), as cited in Palmer et al. (2010, p. 194), states that the image of a chef has shifted from that of ‘a simple, humble person … who did the dirty work’ to that of an artist or performer. The social standing of chefs began to rise in the 1970s and continued to soar with the rise of food programs on television (Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021). However, Palmer et al. (2010, p. 312) pointedly state that: ‘Little is still known about the cultural processes that perpetuate a sense of identity and belonging among chefs’ (2010, p. 312). Ruhlman’s (2006) book, The Reach of a Chef describes how, in an American context, a chef is ‘made,’ while Allen and Mac Con Iomaire (2016, 2017) research in Ireland profiles head chefs and explores their core competencies from a quantitative point of view. Black (2021) looks at the experience of women in Lyon to examine issues of gender inequality in France’s culinary industry, charting how constraints imposed by French culture minimize the impact of #MeToo and other reform-minded movements. Balazs (2002) study on elite French Michelin-starred chefs, from a leadership management stance, provides the reader with a deeper understanding of the mentality of a world-class chef, however, three-starred chefs represent only a tiny minority of the hospitality industry. More recently, Batat (2020) explored the motivations of Michelin-starred chefs in France toward sustainable food experiences and highlighted that the social dimension of sustainability includes improving labor conditions and supporting human rights. This is of particular importance to the current study. Bloisi and Hoel’s (2008) literature review on bullying and abuse within the culinary industry describes some interesting and indeed shocking facts, and with quotes from chefs Anthony Bourdain and Gordon Ramsay (and some of his cooks), there is insightful feedback direct from the mind of the chef. Mac Con Iomaire (2008) proposed mentoring as a model for nurturing culinary talent. Robinson et al. (2014) explored occupational commitment and highlighted how deskilling and standardization were affecting staff turnover within the industry. More recently, Burrow et al. (2015), have profiled the life and career cycle of a head chef in the UK, exploring topics of extreme workplaces, and how on the path to ‘professionalisation’ chefs’ engendered attitudes of machoism, competitiveness, and strength become the norm. Some indications that this ingrained culture, or ‘habitus,’ is gradually changing have appeared in the recent literature. Traynor et al.’s (2022) case study of an ‘elite chef’ named Michel, reveals that breaking with the traditional kitchen culture through empathy and compassion helped him attain success. In recent years, French culture, according to Black (2021, p. 183) is starting to ‘question male dominance and stereotypes in the culinary fields.’ Phenomenological studies exploring the lived experience of chefs have become increasingly common in recent years (Afifi et al., 2022; Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021; Quigley et al., 2019; Robinson et al., 2014; Traynor et al., 2022).

Gaps, however, remain in the literature, and the immigrant cook has only recently begun to be the focus of research. Two papers discussing Nordic countries give varying experiences of migrant cooks. While Kalenjuk et al. (2020) qualitatively analyzed the experience of sixteen Western-Balkan cooks who had been working in the Norwegian hospitality industry for over two years, concluding their overall satisfaction with conditions and wages, albeit their underplaying of qualifications, Axelsson et al. (2017) explored the precariousness of Chinese chefs work in Sweden concerning hours/days worked per year, the pace and intensity of the work, and finally the flexibility demanded of them. Other recent research on migrant chefs comes in two strands: either focusing on high-end cuisine and the status of highly skilled migrant chefs (Abidin et al., 2017; Farrer, 2015, 2021) or on the other migrant chefs who ‘suffer from adverse working conditions and extreme labour precariousness’ (Corrêa, 2020; Du, 2020; Mooney, 2018). Highlighting this, Villegas noted that immigrant cooks, although contributors to Parisian food culture and the city’s economy were not recognized for their input, knowledge and service to the industry, rather they were considered laborers (Villegas, 2006). For these reasons, this phenomenological study of integration, the polarization of the workforces, and human agency are therefore significant.

The importance of cooks in society and economy

This research is based on the idea that it is important to better understand the working lives of immigrant cooks, but why it is important to understand this group (or cooks in general) needs to be addressed. Cooks play a role in society as producers of nourishment and calories in situations beyond the domestic. The immediate thought is for cooks in restaurants, however, cooks are also essential to the services of schools, prisons, hospitals, armies and other such institutions (Chivers, 1972). Cooks possess, through their training, knowledge relating to the correct preparation of food to ensure its edibility and hygiene. As well as institutional cooking, the importance of the job of cooks is connected to the rise of the restaurant industry which has been witnessed in modern times since the 1980s with the increasing popularity and accessibility to dining outside the home (Ferguson & Zukin, 1998). This part of consumption, although not as essential as feeding oneself for nourishment, also plays a role in society and is considered to have value in the pleasure that the experiences of eating and dining can give (Telfer, 1996). Outlets within the hospitality industry range in size from self-employed street vendors to multinational chain restaurants such as Burger King. Occupational culture differs among chefs across the various sectors, for example, between hotels and hospitals, or fine-dining Michelin-starred restaurants (Chivers, 1972; Balazs, 2002; Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021). The importance of the chef to society and as a contributor to culture has remained part of the identity of the chef. This mentality was established when professional cookery apprenticeships were enshrined in guilds (Davis, 2013), a move which ensured continued and standardized training. An accompanying factor to the durability of cookery apprenticeships, at a time in history (the Industrial Revolution) when many trades were eliminated, was the inability to mechanize many parts of the cooks’ tasks. Thus, the person, or job of the cook, remained important (Trubek, 2000).

Furthermore, the development of a body of culinary-focused academic work through the studies of gastronomy (Brulotte & Di Giovine, 2014); philosophy (Ray, 2016; Telfer; 1996); culinary education and developing pedagogies (Pratten, 2003; Woodhouse, 2015); the development of higher-level degree courses and post-graduate study in culinary arts (Danaher, 2012; Hegarty, 2004; Mac Con Iomaire, 2021); gastro-tourism (Dixit, 2021; Mandal et al., 2021); and the investigative studies on the occupation of cooks (Allen & Mac Con Iomaire, 2016; Lane, 2016) solidifies the importance of the role of the cook in society. Despite all this, academic research on migrant chefs is underrepresented in the hospitality literature, a lacuna that this research hopes to address.

Gathering accurate census information on immigrant cooks in France

In the region of 20–30% of apprentice cooks and kitchen hands, and approximately 17% of cooks in France are immigrants (Jolly et al., 2012, p. 29), of which 14.4% are immigrants from non-European countries (2012, p. 29) such as the highly represented regions of Maghreb countries, sub-Saharan Africa and Turkey. However, how French census recording is carried out means that it is very difficult to get an accurate figure on the number of cooks from any particular country. This appears to be the case, particularly for south Asian cooks who are visible in kitchens but not in statistics relating to immigrant cooks. According to French law, a person’s ethnic background cannot be enquired into, nor can the person be categorized on censuses per their ethnicity (Barou, 2014). This contrasts with the United States of America for example, where a person can be American under their paperwork but can refer to themselves on censuses as Hispanic, Asian or African for example.

Immigration and the polarization of the workforce

The ‘polarisation of workforces’ concept becomes evident when indigenous and immigrant population groups are put side by side. Castles (2000) theory that the nation-state values those who are static is mirrored in the restaurant industry valuing those cooks who are indigenous, while also needing those who are not (Janta et al., 2011, p. 1007).

Bauman (1998), as cited in Castles (2010, p. 1567), proffers that the right to migrate is more discriminative and class-based now than at any previous time. The shift can be dated to the post-industrial period of the late twentieth century when western countries underwent large-scale re-organization of production and manufacturing practices (Triandafyllidou, 2016, p. 8). As western economies grew, the welfare-state mechanisms were dismantled and labor-intensive industries were killed off. As a result, western societies became increasingly divided: the upper classes held wealth while the working class became destabilized. For Castles (2010), a serious fall-out of this labor market transformation has been the proliferation of out-sourcing, short-term contracts and black-market work. In France, this manifests in the use of CDD’s (contrat à durée déterminée), or short-term work contracts, which have limited healthcare and benefits; and agences intérim, agencies that place people in short-term posts, generally in the construction, meat packing, hospitality, cleaning and order-picking sectors. In addition, the use of ‘auto-entrepreneur’ status is growing, where employers are not obliged to fund any social payments, and the worker carries all the risk. This situation, for Castles, gives counterweight to the argument that immigrants are destabilizing the labor force by flooding the market; in fact, it can be argued that businesses are actively creating an informal sector, essentially pulling immigrants in (Reyneri, 2003, as cited in Castles, 2010, p. 1580) because locals refuse the jobs (Hagan- Zankar, 2008).

The above issues feed into Massey et al.’s theory of economic dualism (Massey et al., 1993) where differences between capital and labor markets are laid out. In a capital-rich sector (such as financial services), the burden of downtime is borne by the employer as they have invested in the employee. Conversely, in the labor-intensive hospitality or services sectors, work is unstable and when not producing, the labor force is considered a cost that is to be dumped. The Covid-19 pandemic provided ample evidence of this labor force cost-dumping phenomenon within the global hospitality industry, as it was particularly impacted by compulsory lockdowns. In France, hospitality was the hardest hit of all business sectors and close to half a million people lost their jobs in 2020 (Mastrandreas, 2020).

As the rich get richer and demand more services, it falls to the immigrant workers to provide these services, leading to a polarization of the workforce. This polarization causes tensions for integration, which, according to Barou (2014), did not exist in postwar and industrial-era immigration policies. Barou proposes that immigration in France at that time was organized specifically for (a) the rebuilding of the country after the world wars, and (b) for employment in factories during a period of strong economic growth from 1945 to 1975 (known as Les Trente Glorieuses or The Glorious Thirty), immigrants felt needed and part of the French workforce (Barou, 2014; Du, 2020). Integration took place naturally before the word even appeared as part of immigration vocabulary. Secondly, work was largely unionized, helping tangibly to instill a sense of belonging and agency amongst workers.

However, work in today’s tertiary industries, particularly the restaurant sector, is largely unorganized and under-unionized (Aasland & Tyldum, 2016), and employees suffer the brunt of this exploitation with below-average pay, unpaid hours, illegal work practices and weak or non-existent work contracts (Janta et al., 2011; Young and Corsun, 2010; Du, 2020). Moreover, the immigrant workers, as Villegas (2006) points out, are neither recognized for their talents nor possess agency.

Access and integration into the labor force by immigrants in France

Throughout Europe, immigrants live a life inferior to the average native community in terms of mean educational levels, over-representation in unskilled labor forces, and a rate of unemployment double the national average (Héran, 2016). Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), contend that the structure of selection, omission, and inclusion of specific knowledge is a tool the dominant class have historically utilized to maintain their social advantages through education. This system exerts a type of symbolic violence and oppression on the non-dominant groups (including migrants) and ensures that they remain at a distinct disadvantage in the pursuit of education. Max Weber branded this subtle but significant action of the dominant class “a theodicy of its own privilege” (as cited in Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977, p. 188). Integration needs to be measured on a longitudinal basis (Héran, 2016; Mouhoud, 2017) and in doing this evidence of integration into economic society becomes visible. For example, on the granting of a carte de séjour (permit to reside in France) the employment rate for immigrants goes up as the granting of this permit coincides with the passing of compulsory French language exams. However, this is not to say that integration is rapid, factors persist to ensure that the average length of time an immigrant needs before they are considered active participants in the economy is seven years (based on a study in Quebec), (Héran, 2016), or ten years according to Mouhoud (2017, p. 81). Mastery of language can take time, particularly before one is fully comfortable and accepted into the new language community.

As mentioned earlier, the activity of the working immigrant population of France is followed annually by the INSEE, (Perez & Segur, 2008). Immigrants from third and second-world countries remain over-represented in services industries such as hospitality and security (Héran, 2016), with evidence pointing to the previously mentioned glass ceiling for immigrant workers (Ho & Alcorso, 2004). In France specifically, an issue exists with immigrant integration (societal) and discrimination (Barou, 2014; Perez & Segur, 2008; Triandafyllidou, 2016). Ferguson and Zukin (1998) write of African American cooks being forced to take unpaid and underpaid apprenticeships in both the USA and France, evidencing obstacles in accessing the workforce for minorities. They also point to the diversity (gender, race, social class) of the American chefs interviewed in their study being greater than that of the group of French head chefs and owners, and the lack of diversification amongst the French respondents highlighting the closed nature of the French culinary world (Ferguson & Zukin, 1998, p. 101). While there are always exceptions to the rule, such as acclaimed Senegalese chef Rougia Dia (Diawara, 2009) these findings remain pertinent.

The difficulty remains that while studies point toward the positive contribution immigration makes to societies and economies (Mouhoud, 2017), France is currently undergoing a turbulent period politically and socially concerning immigration, integration, and economic and social policy changes (Héran, 2016). Despite the reliance that the culinary industry has on immigrant workforces (Fustec as cited in Durupt & Cuccagna, 2014; El Kurdi, 2018), the industry has perhaps not yet fully embraced its multi-cultural workforce sufficiently to see them not just as immigrants but as professional cooks and long-term assets.

The restaurant industry in Paris

Paris and France have long been among the world’s top tourist destinations. Paris is frequently rated in the top ten world cities to visit (Bremner, 2012; Gunter & Onder, 2015, pp. 132). As previously noted, Paris received a staggering 38 million visitors in 2019; the value of this industry to France is undeniable. The hotel and restaurant sector in that year employed almost 210,000 people, a 4.4% rise in 2017–2018 (Paris Office Du Toursime et des Congrès, 2019). In 2014 (the last official figures) there were 5,738 restaurants in the Paris metropolitan area (almost 2000 of them traditional French restaurants) and in total 13,822 establishments for eating and or drinking (Paris Office du Tourisme et des Congrés, 2015, p. 2). France has 175,000 dining venues, 10% of which are in the Paris region (Les Echos Solutions, 2021). Of these 175,000 venues, 37% are fast food venues.

In the whole of France, 49% of workers in the sector work in restaurants (equating to 360,500 people), 23% are based in hotel-based dining venues and 15%, or 110,300 people are in canteens (Chevalier, 2020). The sector employs higher rates of seasonal employees, trainees and those on the short term rather than permanent contracts than the national average. ‘L’ancienneté’, or length of time in a place of employment is relatively low in the restaurant sector as opposed to other sectors nationally and the average age of those employed in kitchens is below that for other trades (Pôle Emploi, 2017). Chefs and cooks often move between various sectors from fine dining and hotels to canteens and industrial catering during their careers, based on different needs of work-life balance depending on their personal or family situations.

Cohorts outside of the scope of this research

On the basis that this is an exploratory study, there are three groups (Chinese, Turkish and Japanese) that will not be included although they are statistically highly represented. The reason for their non-inclusion is their higher agency and economic status in Paris’ hospitality industry. This decision derives from the distinct economic integration position that these population groups have as compared to the broader immigrant culinary population of Paris. The Chinese, Turkish and Japanese populations, while holding similar levels of non-integration into French cultural life, have high levels of integration into French economic life (Dubucs, 2014; Tapia de, 2009).

The Chinese population has integrated into the food industry in Paris through its pioneering move in the early 2000s to open Japanese sushi shops outside of the original Japanese enclave surrounding the Opéra area of Paris (APUR, 2012). Chinese entrepreneurs have opened cheaper sushi restaurants in city-center locations, and significantly, the suburbs of Paris, turning several into chains and diversifying the local dining scene with home delivery options. Furthermore, Chinese immigrants have bought into the traditional French bar-tabac sector purchasing up to 50% of the bars-tabacs in Paris (Chevalerie de la, 2011; Le Parisien, 2014). These simple establishments frequently simultaneously hold lucrative tobacco and national lottery licenses as well as standard food and alcohol licenses.

Research has shown that second-generation Turkish residents in France have achieved a significant level of economic integration through their eschewing of the factory work of their older relatives and their concentration in the specialist fast-food sector of kebab shops (Ertul & Şenkon, 2009). Their level of business integration in France is on par with other European immigrants and evidence points to the establishment of an entire specialized supply chain of businesses within the kebab sector (halal meat production and slaughter, specialist kebab knife manufacture, ingredient distribution). This supply chain has links back to the original Turkish kebab shops established in Germany in the 1970s (Ertul & Şenkon, 2009).

The Japanese population centralized in the chic downtown area of Paris, Opéra, grew out of its proximity to high-class shopping destinations that were popular with affluent Japanese tourists of the 1960s (Dubucs, 2014). This immigrant population is frequently employed in professional white-collar business sectors or the arts. Japanese-owned restaurants in this area are considered authentic and expensive in comparison to the Chinese-owned sushi restaurants mentioned above. Separately, and although a small population of the immigrant cooks numbers, Japanese cooks have established a place for themselves as respected culinarians amongst French chefs. This phenomenon deserves further study but has been explored by Ray (2016) in his explanation of hierarchies of cuisines in the United States.

For these differentiating reasons, it was decided to separate from the immigrant cook literature any references to Chinese, Japanese and Turkish cooks and to focus on those immigrant populations who are more regularly counted as employees in the culinary industry.

Hospitality of the state

Hospitality can be observed at the state level where a country hosts a traveler or immigrant. Recognizing the complicated situation between the aspirations of ethical or infinite hospitality (Rosello, 2001) and the practical limitations required under the politics of hospitality (finite hospitality), both Fotou (2016) and Rosello (2001) questioned the current political atmosphere for immigrants in Europe. Rosello (2001) is particularly critical, observing that France as a former colonizer is now, post-colonially, unwilling to help the very populations it ransacked.

Historically, being hospitable to strangers was France’s raison d’être (O’Gorman, 2007, p. 194); France declared herself to be a land of welcome to those in need of asylum. However, although immigration continues today, the laws and rhetoric around immigration have shifted, and France now veers toward the increasingly right-wing policies witnessed in many western states. Chemilier-Gendreau writes that ‘hospitality as a “French” virtue has already disappeared’ (1998 as cited in Rosello, 2001, p. 28). Mouhoud’s (2017) and Héran’s (2016) publications appear to concur. Countries are making it increasingly difficult for immigrants to enter and to stay (Coghlan, 2020), and in their rhetoric, reducing the individual as much as possible to a number or term (Rosello, 2001). The devastating results of approaches such as this were witnessed in the 2018 Windrush scandal in the UK and ultimately led to the resignation of Amber Rudd, the Home Secretary.

However, as Farrer (2021) writes, migrants are not solely figures traversing countries or borders, they are shifting social, educational, and employment spaces, and enacting essential human transactions. Can the hospitality industry do more to be more hospitable to its people? Food is, after all, a borderless, universal basic human need. The awarding of UNESCO heritage status in 2010 to the French gastronomic meal for the intangible cultural heritage of humanity (Mac Con Iomaire, 2018) is centered not just on food, but on hospitality and conviviality also. The cooks interviewed for this research are either guests of the state of France or, are citizens of France through the paperwork; each of them pays taxes and contributes socially to Paris, France, and her gastronomic legacy. As immigrants, what is their access point to this gastronomy? What is their identity as immigrants, cooks, and guests?

Theoretical Framework

Considering the themes of polarized workforces, agency, immigration and the culinary industry, hospitality came to the fore as the confluence of these topics and became, along with practice theory, one of the philosophical theories underpinning this research. While the term hospitality, since the 1980s, has been employed as a phrase to encapsulate the tourism and restaurant industries (Lashley, 2015), the origin and etymology of hospitality as a philosophy has been discussed by several theorists (Derrida, 2002; Fotou, 2016; Lashley, 2015; Telfer, 2000) and predates the use of the phrase as a descriptor for the restaurant and hotel industry.

Under the guidance of Jacques Derrida and Emmanuel Lévinas (Shepard, 2014), the theory of hospitality has been teased out to form a philosophy, positioning hospitableness ‘as one of the defining features of human morality’ (Lashley, 2015, p. 72). Both Derrida and Lévinas distil hospitality as being the ‘welcoming of the stranger’ (Shepard, 2014, p. 12) and its role, or the act of hospitality, as a fundamental component of being human. Ethics is the underlying philosophy for hospitality and Derrida infers that hospitality should aspire to be ‘unconditional’ (Shepard, 2014, p. 54). While this stance poses its inherent problems (the safety, or capabilities of the host, for example) it underlines how fundamental the philosophy of hospitality, or being open and welcoming to the ‘Other’ is.

Practice theory is also utilized as a theoretical framework for this research. Pierre Bourdieu developed a theoretical toolkit including the concept of symbolic violence in the education system, symbolic power of language, forms of capital, habitus, praxis and field (Bourdieu, 1991; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Practice is constituted by habitus multiplied by capital, with the addition of field. Schatzki (2018, p. 153) identifies four features or “theories of practice”: (1) they treat social life as composed, at least principally, of practice, which is not something one person alone can enact; (2) the world does not contain one practice but many; (3) social phenomenon are either aspects of, constellations of, or rooted in nexuses of practice; (4) the philosophical ideas of Wittgenstein (1957) and Heidegger (1962) form the background for practice theories, particularly the idea that human activity rests on something that cannot be formulated. This something has been variously conceived and labeled as habitus, practical consciousness, skills, and knowing how to go on. The concepts of “praxis,” “habitus,” “field,” and “capital” (which breaks down further into cultural, economic, social, and symbolic capital) from Bourdieu’s theoretical toolbox (Power, 1999) have previously been of value in analyzing restaurants, kitchens, and chefs (Afifi et al., 2022; Fantasia, 2018; Ferguson & Zukin, 1998; Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021; Mennell, 1996).

Methodology

This exploratory qualitative research, to investigate the identity and ‘the lived experience’ of immigrant cooks in Paris, follows an interpretivist epistemology with phenomenology as the base (Kothari, 2004). Phenomenology gained credence as an established philosophical movement with the writings of Edmond Husserl, Martin Heidegger and subsequently Maurice Merleau-Ponty among others. Ontological and epistemological views of leading phenomenologists differ over their two orientations (descriptive or hermeneutic) or their three associated methods (descriptive phenomenology, hermeneutic phenomenology, and interpretative phenomenological analysis -IPA); (Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021; Robinson et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2009, 2022). IPA is within the Heideggerian orientation, employs flexible guidelines and its ideographic nature differentiates it from other phenomenological methodologies (Gill, 2014) making it ideal for this research. Idiography does not eschew generalizations, but rather prescribes a different way of establishing those generalizations, locating them in the particular, and hence develops them more cautiously (Smith et al., 2022, p. 24).

For Denscombe (2010), phenomenology seeks to understand how people experience life and in reinforcing the humanistic approach, phenomenological research at its core focuses on how life is experienced. Therefore, a phenomenological approach demands that the researcher presents results and findings exactly as they are portrayed by the respondents (Gaus, 2017). Whereas qualitative research methodological literature normally suggests a minimum of fifteen interviews, data saturation is often reached in phenomenology with fewer rich in-depth semi-structured interviews (Afifi et al., 2022; Mac Con Iomaire et al., 2021).

Methods

A sequential multi-method exploratory approach was adopted. A focus group with three participants was followed by eight individual in-depth semi-structured interviews (participants detailed in Table 1). The research took place in Paris, chosen for its position as the birthplace of the restaurant, and as a region of a sizable and evolving immigrant population. The interviewer (SG), a woman and a migrant Irish chef in Paris had an emic rapport with the interviewees and focus-group members. An official statistical breakdown of the nationalities employed in Parisian kitchens is not possible, as it is illegal in France to officially record a person’s country of birth on census surveys. However, media and academic literature repeatedly reference the employment of European, Maghrebian, sub-Saharan, and south Asian staff in kitchens (Charette, 2008; Durupt & Cuccagna, 2014). Purposive sampling ensured the above groupings within this research. Gender and age are not relevant in this study. Two interviewees (R and PB) carried out the interviews in English, whereas the rest were conducted in French.

Table 1. Interview participants -focus group and individual, (the use of SG throughout refers to the interviewer).

Interview participant’s (focus group and individual interview) Key Code name	Focus group or individual interview	Country	Length of time in Paris (in years, at the time of the interview)	Length of time cooking (total)	Type of restaurant	Position
S	Individual	Cameroon	15 approximately	15 approximately	French regional	Kitchen hand to second chef
F	Individual	Ivory Coast	17	15	Traditional French bistro	Sous chef
PB	Individual	India	3	11	Airline catering	Head chef
JC	Individual	Congo	4	3 apprenticeship included	Catering	Commis
MK	Individual	Mali	7	5 approximately	French restaurant, semi fine dining	Demi chef de partie
CM	Individual	Mauritania	5	7	Gluten free specialist restaurant and catering	Chef de partie
CL	Individual	Italy	1	4	Pâtisserie	Commis /Chef de partie
R	Individual	Algeria	4	14	Delicatessen/ savory prep for organic bakery and pâtisserie	Chef de partie
LRD	Focus group	Brazil	14	14	Small University canteen, all prep on site	Chef de partie
ML	Focus group	India	5	2 (1 year training included)	Catering	Commis
A	Focus group	Somalia	2	1.5	Canteen	Commis

Focus group

As a new area of study, and as the researcher wished for the focus to remain directly on subjects relevant to the lives of immigrant cooks, a focus group was set up to test the relevance of topics covered in the literature. Questions included how the focus group members first got into cooking, how they chose the trade, the length of time they had been cooking professionally, the existence of language barriers or not, any differences between the actual work schedules or pay and the contract of employment; whether they perceived any differences between themselves and native French cooks; whether or not they liked cooking or if it was ‘just a job’; how hard it was to access the jobs market, how long did it take to get the first job; feelings of integration and whether their knowledge of food was given space or acceptance; their plans. The results assisted in crafting questions for in-depth individual interviews with a further cohort of immigrant cooks. Focus groups are useful tools for initiating research into new areas of study and for gathering information for future studies (Denscombe, 2010).

The focus group comprised three immigrant cooks chosen to represent nationalities relevant to the immigrant population groups of cooks in Paris (India, Somalia, Brazil) while also being a manageable size to accommodate varying levels of French, (each participant should feel able and comfortable to contribute) enabling the gathering of quality information. This process of carrying out a focus group gave a voice to the immigrant cooks themselves, as information was revealed in the focus group that was absent from the literature.

Individual interviews

Purposive and snowball sampling was used to identify cooks who fit the profile. As it is well documented that immigrants frequently use networks of fellow countrymen to gain employment on arrival in a new country, it was therefore plausible that each cook interviewed would know another cook (Aasland & Tyldum, 2016; Ho & Alcorso, 2004). Eight interviewees from Africa, Asia and Europe shared their lived experiences as migrant cooks in Paris with questions based on the results of the analysis of the focus group.

Analysis

The focus-group transcript was analyzed using template analysis which requires the researcher to create a template based on coded themes that are expected to appear (a priori codes) or happen to appear in the text. For this study, the template was derived from the literature review, and this was then cross-checked against the focus groups’ results. A new template was then compiled of themes that appeared in both the literature review and focus group and included themes that came up exclusively in the focus group. This final template was then used as the base questions and lines of enquiry for the in-depth individual interviews.

Based on the results of the template analysis, all individual interviewees were asked similar questions and in addition, candidates were encouraged to discuss topics important to them and their experiences in general as immigrant cooks in Paris. Questions included those on accessibility to the workforce; acceptance into the world of professional cooking; work contracts versus daily reality; difficulties with French administration; the career ladder and the existence of glass ceilings; qualifications and how they are received; language issues; gastronomy and the culinary scene in Paris from the point of view of an immigrant worker in the industry. Transcribed individual interview data were analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) which involved a process of data familiarization, coding and gradual data reduction as coded comments were brought together under higher-order themes. The gradual refining of the codes into themes is shown in Figures 1a, 1b, and 1c. Two main themes were refined: challenges and attitude each containing two subthemes (Table 2). The first, ‘Challenges.’ had two sub-themes: (1) integration and segregation, and (2) human resource issues. The second theme ‘Attitude’ also had two sub-themes: (1) what it means to be a cook – or ‘agency,’ and (2) gastronomy.

Figure 1. (a). Initial recurring subjects. (b). Filtering down issues into themes. (c). Final main themes and their respective sub-themes.

Table 2. Themes for discussion under thematic analysis.

Main themes	Challenges	Attitude
Sub-theme	Human resource issues	What it means to be a cook – ‘agency’
Sub-theme	Integration and segregation	Gastronomy

Findings

Giving voice- Toward an understanding of the identity of the immigrant cook in Paris

Using practice theory and hospitality as the key theoretical framework, the results of the research show that the cooks interviewed identify as professional culinarians with love and respect for French gastronomy. However, they also feel that they are on the outside of the gastronomic world and that they are used for their labor rather than being valued for their higher-order inputs. These are key information points and demonstrate how vital it is to give voice to this population. It also addresses the theory that there is segregation within the culinary workforce with a lack of hospitableness (Lashley, 2015) shown toward the immigrant worker.

Challenges – Segregation and discrimination

The theme of ‘challenge’ contained sufficient instances of segregation or discrimination to give this feature its sub-theme. Some examples of segregation were subtle, others were instances of outright discrimination. CL’s chef denied in a recorded media interview that he had foreigners in his kitchen; R’s employers greet French staff before foreign staff in the kitchen, and CM thought that although French cooks get promoted quickly, they do not and cannot work as hard as immigrant cooks. Young cook, JC, experienced direct racism when he was told by his teachers in culinary school that ‘blacks’ are not cooks, ‘ … le professeur ‘les noirs ne sont pas des cuisiniers c’est des plongeurs!” (‘the teacher [said] ‘blacks are not cooks, they are kitchen porters’). This message appears to have haunted him and he reported his struggle to find work even with qualifications in hand. All of these examples point toward an embedded separation of the immigrant cook from the native and R thinks that this problem is immutable and not just confined to the culinary industry, stating, “No, it doesn’t feel good, but the whole country is like that.”

Head chefs, according to the respondents, are all white, while the workers are foreigners, F ‘généralement … c’est les chefs qui sont français’ (in general, … it is the chefs who are French). This idea is supported in the literature (Ferguson & Zukin, 1998; Wright & Pollert, 2005; Wickham et al., 2008). French cooks are also portrayed as having more opportunities for promotion than the immigrant cooks, regardless of technical ability (R, CL, F) or tenacity (CM, R).

The embedded outsider status of the immigrant cook is a clear indicator that the hospitality industry is not truly hospitable to its people. Returning to the initial theme of challenge and the perseverance that immigrant cooks need to display to achieve a culinary career, F makes a statement which seems to encapsulate the ensemble of messages received throughout the interviews stating that:

… la porte que je ne peux pas ouvrir je vais le forcer, ça c’est important. Il faut les montrer par ton travail que tu ne casse pas que tu es tout le temps compétant dans ton travaille que tu es volontaire (… the door that I cannot open, I force, that is important. Show them through your work that you won’t quit, that you are always competent and willing).

The strength of the words chosen displays his passion, but also the energy and determination that is necessary to succeed.

Challenges – Human resource issues

Access to the culinary workforce

Although employment opportunities exist, it is not necessarily an easy journey from arrival in France to being hired, with several serious instances of racism being recounted by interviewees. It is frequently claimed in the literature regarding immigrant work that such workers ‘fall’ into the restaurant industry thanks to the low hiring requirements. However, contrary to the reports that language skill is not a barrier to entry, respondents in this study almost unanimously had issues accessing work because of their limited French language skills. Even fellow European migrant cooks, such as the Italian interviewee or the Irish interviewer, needed to master the French language before progressing within the French system. A lack of French among most interviewees variously caused stress, an inability to access the workforce, or prevented access to certain sectors of the industry. Referring to the categorization of travail pénible or the category of three ‘D’s work that migrant workers often undertake, S notes that to work as a cook is not difficult per se, rather it is the lack of understanding of the very specific language used in kitchens that causes stress. PB, LRD and JC recognized also the difficulties for chefs and bosses when hiring foreigners who cannot speak the language fluently. PB explains,

Only the language problem … What I think is that, is if people don’t know the language it is difficult to work with them, it’s the nature … Without language it is very difficult.

The message is that proficiency in French is vital to getting employment or promotion in a Parisian kitchen. This is supported by Barraket (2015) and Joppe (2012) who found clear correlations between immigrant unemployment and language inability in host countries, but contradicted by much of traditional migrant work literature (Aasland & Tyldum, 2016; Bobek & Wickham, 2015). This conventional stance needs to be reevaluated and measured, perhaps on a country-by-country basis (for example, R experienced no issues when looking for work in the UK despite not speaking a word of English), and from the point of view of the immigrant cook.

While in general, the cooks responded positively to the idea of climbing the career ladder, in reality, it was reported to be hugely challenging; working toward promotion is rarely easy and it takes commitment and ‘graft’ from every cook. However, the difference in the case of the immigrant cooks interviewed was the feeling that the challenge is not the work per se but the environment or the mechanics of the system. In this vein, cultural issues seem to be at play as much as practical issues (such as the language barrier) and interviewee R encompasses something of the overall message, namely that there is a ceiling in the workplace and there is segregation in society in general, a subject currently of much debate in France.

SG:

-Do you think that can change?

R:

-No. It’s been like that for many, many years. Not years, many centuries. You can’t change it now.

The career aspirations and passion of immigrant cooks are as legitimate as those of native, French-born, cooks. Recurrent difficulties in the industry of skilled staff shortages, attrition and high turnover rates of cooks (Birrell et al., 2009; Mac Con Iomaire, 2008; Robinson et al., 2014), necessitate that governments, culinary bodies and academic institutions harness this interest, energy and passion rather than stifle it in dated, institutionalized theories and practises (Castles, 2010; Fotou, 2016; Glick Schiller & Salazar, 2012).

Attitude – What it means to be a cook – ‘Agency’ and gastronomy

Under the theme of ‘Attitude’ two sub-themes were identified: (1) what it means to be a cook, – ‘agency’ and (2) gastronomy. Due to space limitations, the full details of these themes will form a separate paper, but they are important to note here to further illustrate the identity of the immigrant cook beyond that of a manual laborer or merely a statistic. Firstly, and crucially, rather than feeling ‘channelled’ into the sector the cooks actively sought work in kitchens, a fact that is rarely seen in the literature. Secondly, and equally unidentified in the literature, were the many instances that portrayed the immigrant cooks’ feelings of proximity to the industry and gastronomy of Paris. As one of the interviewees eloquently put it;

Quand on cuisine, quand on travail dans la restauration à Paris on est fière, on est fière de porter sa pierre à cet édifice parce que c’est quelque chose grandiose de compter parmi ceux qui participent à la culture culinaire de Paris, qui renforcent la culture culinaire de Paris, c’est une fierté qu’on faire partir … (‘When we cook, when we work in the restaurant industry in Paris, we are proud, we are proud to add our stone to the structure that is the culinary culture of Paris, to reinforce the culinary culture of Paris, we are proud to be part of that.’ S. 2018)

This is different to many representations of immigrant work seen in secondary material and adds to the profile of the immigrant cook as a person and as an actor in the continuation of Paris’ culinary culture, rather than as the ‘Other.’

These findings demonstrate that the writing on immigrant workers in kitchens needs to evolve to portray the relationships between immigrant cooks, the restaurant industry, and gastronomy more accurately.

Discussion

The use of the word hospitality ‘advanced a positive image’ of the industry according to Lashley (2015, p. 71), but this appears to be solely for the benefit of the paying customer. For many workplace commentators, or those within the industry, the ‘hospitality’ industry is more suitably categorized in the group of three ‘D’s (dirty, dangerous, demeaning), or precarious work, or as one cook put it ‘ingrat’ (thankless). From these points of view, it became apparent that the philosophy of hospitality was essential to underpin the study.

The culinary industry needs to improve relations with its members from a very basic human resources point of view and improve the treatment of its workforce from the inside out. The fact that an interviewee was told by his culinary teacher that ‘blacks’ are kitchen porters and not chefs, is a testament to this. He experienced the same racism when he graduated and was searching for full-time work. There were several examples given by interviewees of under-payment, illegal working hours and working with no contract (and therefore no social security or insurance protection). The sheen of gastronomic Paris is being erased, F concurs,

‘Ah oui Paris c’est la capitale de gastronomie mais ils te paient pas. Quel que soit le restaurant, quel que soit le restaurant étoilé tout ça, ils ne paient pas’ (Ah yes, Paris is the capital of gastronomy, but they don’t pay. No matter the restaurant, starred and all that, they don’t pay you).

While the cooks interviewed in this research were not unwilling to work the shifts required, there were some instances where the legality of the situation was pushed to the limit. In light of this, it was interesting that the respondents who have been in Paris for ten years or more did not refer to the undocumented workers’ strikes in 2008, particularly those which centered on undocumented immigrant cooks (Barron et al., 2016; Fikri, 2008; Kahmann, 2015; Le Monde, 2008). This could be a result of Villegas’ (2006) assertion that cooks don’t talk about themselves or their profession; they prefer to talk about the food. Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’ applies to professional kitchens where certain practices go unquestioned, evident in the literature, such as cooks going along with abusive work practices because it is expected (Bloisi & Hoel, 2008; Palmer et al., 2010) and ‘hegemonic’ (Burrow et al., 2015, p. 674). Symbolic violence is what forms habitus, a subtle system of durable dispositions that are unquestioned, laid down in layers not just in our minds but in our bodies – the very basis of class distinction (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). While evidence suggests a new generation of chefs are more in tune with the health needs of their staff, a situation that is evolving (Traynor et al., 2022), and that ‘French culture is starting to question male dominance and stereotypes in the culinary fields’ (Black, 2021, p. 183), further protections and help need to be put in place for immigrant cooks in illegal or precarious work situations. Mentoring has been proposed within the literature, and more recently concerning minority groups (Albors-Garrigos et al., 2020; Mac Con Iomaire, 2008), which may assist in breaking through the glass ceiling (Ho and Alcorso, (2004).

To increase the understanding of the lived experience of immigrant cooks in Paris, by giving voice to the immigrant cooks themselves, and employing the theoretical framework of both hospitality and practice theory, this paper demonstrates cogently that the Parisian restaurant industry is limited in its offering of hospitality to its key population of immigrant cooks. Theoretically, the use of practice theory and particularly Bourdieu’s theoretical toolbox (Power, 1999) adds to the understanding of the occupational identity and habitus of migrant professional chefs and cooks, and also their ‘praxis.’ Furthermore, although on first appearances migrant cooks and native cooks may appear to share the same workload, co-working in the same industry, on closer inspection using practice theory, one finds that the native cooks often possess more cultural, social and symbolic capital. Language is strongly linked with cultural capital. Language forms a kind of wealth. A language is a form of treasure. Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussere suggests that some in society have access to an ‘inner treasure’ due to what has been implanted in their brains from an early age (Bourdieu, 1991). Analogous to manners, language is a strong signifier of class, and the accent and pronunciation of migrant cooks can immediately identify them as ‘Other.’

Similarly, not all migrant cooks are welcomed equally in their host country. As O’Brien (2010) previously noted, elite chefs, who travel with cultural or culinary capital (Bourdieu, 1984; Naccarato and Lebesco, 2013) are often labeled ‘expatriates’ while other cooks who travel are called migrants and are treated with suspicion as the ‘Other’ (Axelsson et al., 2017; Corrêa, 2020; Du, 2020; Liu, 2020). Some migrant populations such as the Chinese, Turkish, and Japanese chefs and cooks have managed through social networks to integrate into French economic life, despite holding similar levels of non-integration into French cultural life as other migrant groups (Dubucs, 2014; Tapia de, 2009).

Conclusion

This article set out by asking the research question: What is the identity and ‘lived experience’ of the immigrant cook in Paris?

The research concludes that immigrant cooks are chefs, culinarians, and humans, not just numbers or laborers. They are a multifaceted group with individual ‘lived experiences,’ that perceive extra challenges and barriers (be it blatant racism or complex human resource issues) compared with native French cooks. Furthermore, through this phenomenological study, we have learnt that immigrant cooks are stakeholders, with an interest, passion, and pride in their contribution to French gastronomy and the Parisian restaurant scene – the guest is by no means coming empty-handed to the host’s table. In his text on the theology of hospitality, Shepard (2014) infers reciprocity in the act of hospitality entitling it as The gift of the Other. However, as Shepard (2014), Rosello (2001), and Fotou (2016) outline, the modern world, while at once being more ‘fluid’ and more ‘connected’ is also more cautious of Others, more closed at the borders and more violent toward those who are unknown for fear of ‘terror.’ Once nomads, traveling and trading goods, or water and milk (Barou, 2010), immigrants are now labeled ‘aliens’ (Shepard, 2014, p. 5).

The literature highlights that the phenomena of immigration and the culinary industry’s need for labor will increase as the industry expands. The Covid-19 pandemic affected projected growth within the industry worldwide, however, following a review of their immigration laws, evidence from the UK showed that even when not in a period of growth, placing limits on immigration adversely affects the restaurant industry (Coghlan, 2020; European Business Magazine, 2020). The management implication of this exploratory research is to look closer at how migrant cooks are treated; identify the potential of migrant cooks as solid stakeholders in the hospitality industry that need to be trained, nurtured and appreciated. By drawing on the philosophy of hospitality, which centers on openness, vulnerability, and generosity, this research concludes that the French hospitality industry needs to be more hospitable to its employees, particularly its immigrant cooks. While this IPA study on a small sample group bounds the findings to the group, Smith et al. (2009) suggest that theoretical generalizability can be considered, where the reader of the report can assess the evidence built on their own experiential and professional knowledge. The research findings enhance the literature on professional chefs and kitchens and particularly address the significant gap in the literature concerning the lived experiences of migrant cooks.

Further research is required to expand this first exploratory investigation both within France and beyond France, as the contributions to gastronomy and the culinary industry by immigrant cooks increase in importance. For example, Ireland is home to some exceptional immigrant cooks, similar to Senegalese chef Rougia Dia in France (Diawara, 2009), who have achieved success in the restaurant industry, including Michelin stars (McNamee, 2019; T-Vine, 2021); research also found that immigrant head chefs in Ireland earn distinctly lower wages than their Irish peers (Allen & Mac Con Iomaire, 2016), and a quarter of undocumented immigrants don’t even receive minimum wage (MRCI, 2020). The exploitation of migrant cooks is not solely a Parisian or French phenomenon. This highlights that Derrida and Levinas’ ‘welcoming of the stranger,’ an act as Shepard (2014, p. 12) puts it, as ‘the constitutive element of what it means to be human’ has been ignored; the commercialization of the meaning of the word hospitality as a teleological or ethical ideology has been consumed by the monetized provider/ client dynamic. Following more exploratory studies around migrant cooks to build theory, a broader explanatory quantitative or mixed-method study would be beneficial to test the theory and to provide findings that would be generalizable to the broader industry.

The culinary industry, both in Paris and internationally, needs to extend to include ‘hospitableness’ (Lashley, 2015) within its kitchens as well as its dining rooms, and extend openness and welcome inward toward its stakeholders as well as its paying guests. Following Batat’s (2020) findings on sustainability within the luxury gastronomy sector, why can’t the social dimension of sustainability, which includes improving labor conditions and supporting human rights, be applied to the entire hospitality industry? Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), assert that through the mechanism of education, the power structures and hierarchies in society are reproduced, and the nature of systems of education is to ensure “a monopoly of legitimate symbolic violence” by the dominant groups (p. 6). This needs to change. With a global shortage of chefs, cooks at all levels from all backgrounds need to be nurtured and mentored to keep them within the ‘hospitality’ industry, and to provide them with meaningful career paths, so that a kitchen porter (the ‘plongeur’ in the title) could be recognized as having the potential to become an executive chef. Echoing Black’s (2021) conclusions, perhaps the post-Covid-19 pandemic rebuild will provide the opportunity for this. With role models such as Rougia Dia, the future might quite possibly be both female and migrant-led.

Limitations

A clear limitation of exploratory research is scale. Interviewees were selected from commonly associated countries; however, Chinese, Japanese, or Turkish immigrants were not included. Although statistically, these groups are important to the hospitality industry in Paris they have very niche activities within the overall sector (Chevalerie de la, 2011). These niche roles provide another future avenue for research on immigrant chefs, building on the recent work of Corrêa (2020) and Du (2020).

Some researchers criticize the lack of rigor and application of phenomenology and qualitative research. Issues of bias, preconceptions, and the subjective researcher’s influence on the analysis of the data have been questioned; although Robinson et al. (2014, p. 69) argue that this can be counteracted by Denzin and Lincoln’s (2000, p. 19) quote that ‘[t]he age of value-free inquiry for the human disciplines is over.’

Finally, space was a limitation and full results of the interviews conducted could not be presented in this one paper, rather they will be comprehensively dealt with in a further paper.

Future research

Based on the findings of this exploratory study on immigrant cooks in Paris, further research could focus on the following areas:

• A larger cohort of respondents could be interviewed both in France and in other countries to deepen the understanding of the identity and place that immigrant cooks feel that they have.

• Research could explore how French and Parisian culinary bodies and educators could develop a more inclusive and hospitable environment for the population of employed and future immigrant cooks.

• Anti-racism campaigns within the culinary and hospitality industry are worthy of research.

• Research could also explore the need for increased representation of immigrant cooks and the key role they play in the hospitality industry in the media, and within industry journals and websites.

• A comparative study of migrant chefs with migrant skilled workers in other industries would be of interest.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).