Trends of religious marketing and the transformation of religious practices among prophetic ministries in Botswana

ABSTRACT

In the past three decades, there has been a trend of adopting an economic approach to understanding religious practices in Africa. While studies have generally focused on the growth of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches, little attention has been paid to the trends in the use of secular advertising strategies in the marketing of religion. The aim of this paper is twofold: firstly, it explores the characteristics of religious flyers and stickers as a marketing tool; secondly, it examines the extent to which religious meaning is attached to the aesthetic design of religious flyers and stickers. Drawing on data from religious flyers and stickers supplemented with data from interviews, observations and documentary analysis, this paper underlines the following key layers communicated through religious flyers and stickers: the prophet as the human brand of a prophetic ministry, the perception of a religious flyer or sticker as a devotional object and the circulation of flyers and use of stickers in urban and digital spaces as a prophetic positioning strategy. We suggest that religious flyers and stickers are used as communicative strategies as well as devotional objects, which offer a reference point to further explore the transformation of religious practices, particularly among Charismatic–Pentecostal churches.

KEYWORDS:

• Religious flyer
• religious sticker
• religious advertising

Introduction

In the past three decades or so, analysis of religious discourse from an economic point of view has increased, with the concept of secular marketing practices being progressively employed in religious advertising dialogues.¹ This shows that the idea of religious organizations functioning in a marketplace has now become extensively accepted and endorsed across the globe.² The notion of religious marketing is neither new nor strange within the hermeneutic circle of religious ideas and practices. For example, Berger³ conceptualized the co-existing of diverse religions in society as a market situation, in which religious preference is understood in the context of consumer preferences, trends and interest. Following this operational logic, amid religious pluralism, religion is often viewed as an option on a religious shelf that can be purchased.⁴ In Africa, Charismatic–Pentecostalism has become a far-reaching phenomenon that has been characterized by peculiar developments including the marketization of the movement.⁵ The awe-striking visibility of the Pentecostal movement in Africa has been researched by many scholars.⁶ Due to the phenomenal growth of this movement in the continent of Africa, some scholars characterize Pentecostalism as an African phenomenon.⁷ As of 2015, Pentecostal believers made up 17.11 per cent of Africa's 1.19 billion population.⁸ Charismatic–Pentecostalism is characterized as faith healing, a firm-like structure to bolster the competitive edge of the church and commercialization of religion and religious goods for profit.⁹ On the other hand, Charismatic–Pentecostalism lacks a centralized organizational structure and can be identified through a diverse range of churches, groups, doctrines, practices, styles and moralities.¹⁰ Although it is sometimes recognized as a subdivision of Christianity, due to its influence and dominance, often it is also recognized as a mainstream Christianity. The characteristics outlined by Ukah also describe the different kinds of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches. Their formation is sometimes based on a particular nitch, and this is the case of prophetic ministries in Botswana. The emphasis is on prophecy and self-identification as a prophetic ministry.

Botswana is no exception to the kick-off of marketization of religion, which has descended in an interesting fashion. There are three main types of churches in Botswana: Mainline churches, Charismatic–Pentecostal Churches, and African Independent Churches with the most prominent being Charismatic–Pentecostal churches. The Charismatic–Pentecostal churches are further categorized according to the main spiritual product they offer, for instance, Prophetic ministries.¹¹ Their identification is in offering prophecy, healing and deliverance to their followers. Studies indicate that prophetic ministries are the frontrunners when it comes to the marketization of religion in the country.¹² While studies have generally focused on the growth of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches, little attention has been paid to the trend of the use of secular advertising strategies by prophetic ministries in the marketing of religion and how this has accelerated the development of religious practices in Botswana. This paper explores the trends of religious marketing of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches with a particular interest in prophetic ministries, the characteristics of prophetic ministry flyers and stickers and how these transform religious practices and influence the burgeoning of prophetic ministries in urban and digital spaces of Botswana.

Religious practice and religious advertising

The extensive involvement of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches in new media and audio-visual presence in public areas has given meaning to the public representation of religion that influences the styles of media presentation used by other religions.¹³ A study on ‘Roadside Pentecostalism’ revealed that religious advertising of unmonitored functioning churches has escalated to ‘new levels of creativity’.¹⁴ More and more religious institutions borrow from the secular means of advertising; hence, it is becoming a norm to see a billboard, poster, flyer or social media post-marketing religious services, a religious event or a prominent religious figure. Key religious figures such as prophets play a central role in the existence of new Charismatic–Pentecostal churches as generally they are depicted as the face of their churches. Or as suggested by scholars, prophets are both identity makers and markers of new Charismatic–Pentecostal churches in Africa.¹⁵

Vehicle stickers have also been used to advertise and popularize religious beliefs. Analysing the text written in 72 vehicle stickers collected in Lagos and Ota, Chiluwa divided the stickers according to the dimensions of society as revealed by the text in the vehicle stickers.¹⁶ He categorizes the stickers into three discourse domains according to how they are viewed and used by Christians: social vision, individual/group identity and reaffirmation of faith. The social vision domain identifies stickers that convey social inclinations, desired social status and affirmations. Stickers under social vision uncover various ways that Christians construct their social reality based on their religious belief and practices. On the other hand, individual/group identity categorizes stickers that ally with the achieved identity or under-construction identity of a Christian. Believers are said to construct their identity based on their reverence for the supernaturality of God. In the last category, reaffirmation of faith Chiluwa notes that although stickers can be used to reaffirm an individual’s faith, what is mostly attached to these stickers is about the religious institution.¹⁷ These stickers mostly reaffirm the institutional standards or practices and by so doing inspire moral reformation and proselytization of non-Christians and gain traction for the institution’s philosophies. Chiluwa’s study indicates that there is more than meets the eye when it comes to religious advertisement. Hence, this study seeks to unpack the use of flyers as a medium of advertisement in Botswana’s religious landscape.

The key factor of religious marketing of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches is not merely the digital media vehicles they use to advertise their programmes but also the religious marketing strategies they use.¹⁸ This contributes to and reshapes the religious dynamic of these churches and religious practices in general. In re-emphasizing the foregoing, Yip and Ainsworth stated that there are outcomes expected as a result of religious marketing.¹⁹ For example, the use of secular marketing techniques has proven to be sine qua non to the growth of mega-churches and their increased visibility as a brand. Surprisingly, the religious marketing of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches goes beyond restructuring religious practices. Chiluwa²⁰ suggested that religious marketing in the form of religious stickers can be used as a form of collective identity by congregants and prompts benevolence in some cases.

Literature reveals that Charismatic–Pentecostal movements embracing the use of advertising strategies for social visibility, promotion of the church as a high-end brand and engagement with ‘religious shoppers’ are paradigmatic in the age of religious marketing.²¹ It has been duly noted that the phenomenon of religious marketization extends beyond mere restructuring of religious practices. However, the available literature on this subject matter, particularly with respect to the transformation of religious practices within Charismatic Pentecostal churches in Africa, remains rather scanty and bereft of relevant examples.

Methods and materials

This paper explores the trends of religious marketing of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches, the case of prophetic ministries, the characteristics of prophetic ministry flyers and stickers and how these transform religious practices and influence the burgeoning of prophetic ministries in urban and digital spaces of Botswana. The prophetic ministry flyers and stickers used in this paper as data sources were collected in Gaborone city and its surrounding areas, Francistown city and Maun, during the fieldwork of two related projects: ‘Marketisation of Religion in Botswana’ from September 2014 to April 2015 and ‘New Media and Cultural Application of Religion’ from April 2016 to March 2017. In Botswana, religious events and services and prophetic ministries are well-advertised on various public media platforms, such as radio stations, print media and social media outlets. Advertising through flyers and stickers is a common advertising mode with most flyers and stickers found in public places, such as bus stations, shopping centres, hospitals and clinics, educational centres and institutions, open spaces, offices, bars and entertainment centres.²² This paper focuses on the content of 39 prophetic ministry flyers and 23 prophetic ministry stickers, gathered purposively in urban and digital spaces of Botswana during the research fieldwork of both studies stated above. A thematic analysis is employed to uncover the prophetic advertising discourses and the discursive effects of the prophetic ministry flyers and stickers. In addition, the analysis is also set to unpack how the use of flyers and stickers shapes religious practices of prophetic ministries and reinforces public religious imagination in Botswana. To support our analysis on the use of flyers and stickers among prophetic ministries in Botswana, this paper also draws on data collected through in-depth interviews and semi-structured interviews with six prophets/apostles and 32 key informants selected purposively from several prophetic ministries in Botswana during the study fieldwork.

Results, analysis and discussion

In general, prophetic ministry flyers and stickers in Botswana have the following common characteristics: images and names of religious figures, captivating scriptural messages, individualized invitations, particulars of a religious event and symbols of social media platforms. Rather than explaining the characteristics of the prophetic ministry flyers and stickers, we employ thematic analysis to uncover the perceived discursive effects that religious flyers and stickers are designed for. To facilitate the analysis, we identify the following themes: prophetic ministry stickers as devotional objects; prophets’ imagery on a flyer as a consumable product; personalized religious invitation; and captivating scriptural messages. In addition, the analysis also pays attention to the distinction embedded in the functions attached to prophetic ministry flyers and prophetic ministry stickers in Botswana.

Prophets’ imagery on a flyer as a consumable product

One of the first noticeable traits of a prophetic ministry flyer circulated in Botswana is the image of a prominent religious figure commonly addressed as a prophet or apostle for a male prophetic leader or prophetess for a female prophetic leader. They are also popularly called ‘man of God’ or ‘woman of God’. The names of the religious figures are usually displayed clearly on the flyers preceded by their titles. The title such as prophet, prophetess or pastor presents a two-tier imagery.²³ On the one hand, it informs the public about the spiritual gifts and divine abilities of the man of God to perform prophecy, healing and deliverance. On the other hand, the title shapes the expectation of the believer for a prosperous, transformative and improved life. The importance of this title was expressed by one of the pastors interviewed during the fieldwork for the larger research project that informs this paper: ‘If you don’t call yourself a prophet, no one will come. People do not come when there is nothing. Titles work’. The image of the prophet on the flyer is usually in the form of a professionally taken, well-designed, clean and attractive photograph. In the case of a prophet, the image depicted on the flyer often includes the prophet’s spouse known as pastor or prophetess. The centrality of a prophet figure within the new Pentecostal movements of prophetic ministries has been well studied. In Africa, including Botswana, the so-called prophets are generally young and fashionable and are perceived as powerful religious leaders with divine authority to provide prophecy, deliverance and healing power.²⁴ The use of an image of a prophet or prophetess on a prophetic ministry flyer is a key point as it cements the common perception of his or her divine power.

The image of prophetic figures found in various flyers is often captured when the prophet holds a microphone talking or making a gesture with a serious face. This visualization mode of a prophetic image is very common. The inclusion of such an image is meant to intensify and accelerate the notion that the religious figure is not only powerful but also knowledgeable. The fashionable prophet is often dressed up in business-like attires sending a common message that this is not business as usual. As such, the serious focused look and business-like attire appear to the audience as someone who is virtuous, upright and able to ‘perform’ miracles as illustrated by Image 1, thus solidifying the trust of the audience about the divine call and reputation of the prophet. The image clearly depicts the prosperity idea understood in the context of the ‘prosperity Gospel’. In addition, the appearance becomes an invitation in itself as it evokes feelings of desire to attend the service or join the ministry described in the flyer or sticker. This is to say that the prophet becomes the selling point and the face of the prophetic movement. This idea is not entirely new as it is common within the prophetic and Pentecostal circle. Yip and Ainsworth,²⁵ for example, call the religious figures ‘human brands’ who enact the identity of the church, marketed through various platforms including that of religious flyers.

Image 1. A prophetic ministry flyer a picture of ‘man of God’ dressed in suits, holding a mic and looking serious. (Collected by G. Faimau).

In the context of religious advertising, like flyers and billboards, Ukah observes that the use of large-sized photos on the billboards presents prophets as celebrities or ‘big men of God’, who ‘sell’ the message and power of the church in order to attract people to the programme or service being advertised.²⁶ The use of prominent celebrity prophets on flyers, stickers or billboards is a marketing strategy employed by prophetic ministries to promote the visibility of the ministry. The celebrity prophets or ‘Anointed Men of God’ are what we term ‘influencers’ in today’s digital world promoting a ‘brand’ and bringing investment in return for the prophetic ministry being promoted. They also make an attractive subject and focal point for media coverage and marketing communication.²⁷ The strong and charming persona of the man and woman of God makes for the perfect brand to sell ‘the ministry’ to the rest of the world. This also implies that prophets present themselves as well-polished ‘salespersons’ never compromising the enterprise in any way. Thus, we witness success in the increasing number of adherents, heightened penetration in the media and increased wealth for the prophet and the ministry.

Prophetic ministry stickers as devotional objects

Devotional objects are religious relics like books, pictures, clothes, stickers and votive candles that religious people own, carry and use as votive offerings because they think they have spiritual significance.²⁸ In Botswana, members of prophetic ministries place the stickers respectfully at their homes. The prophetic ministry stickers are commonly put by the car bumpers, entrance doors, bedroom doors, cupboard doors, mirrors or the back cover of a mobile phone as shown in Image 2. Many believe that the stickers from prophetic ministries offer protection when they are placed respectfully in common places at home or in the car and office. The following quotations from two interviewees underline the link between religious stickers and personal protection:

I place the prophet’s sticker on my bedroom door … Whenever I get to my bedroom, I know I am protected. (Female respondent, interviewed in Maun)

I have the sticker because I love this man [the prophet]. He is a man of God. I respect his anointing … What he speaks on this sticker produces results. The main thing is not the sticker itself but the prophet who speaks to you when you look at the sticker. (Male respondent, interviewed in Gaborone)

Just a few months back, I got involved in a car accident. The involved in the accident had been anointed … as I placed a sticker on it … The power of God was there to make sure that indeed what was so formed against me shall not prosper … I was protected in the accident … . (Male respondent, interviewed in Ramotswa)

The compelling use of the sticker, therefore, goes beyond the idea of advertisement. This confirms the suggestion by Morehouse and Saffer that while a religious sticker is used as an audience-centric engagement strategy, it is not just promotional or advertising material, but it also becomes an object of devotion as it fulfils the religious imagination of the believer.²⁹ For believers, the sticker has spirit; hence, it provides spiritual control and protection.³⁰ As such, there is a belief that the stickers provide a medium for them to visualize and picture the invisible power of God embodied in them.³¹

Image 2. A prophetic ministry sticker placed on a mobile phone cover owned by an interviewee with a popular catchphrase ‘heavily protected’ and a visible scriptural reference to Psalm 91 (Photograph: G. Faimau).

Personalized religious invitation

Since the main content of the prophetic ministry flyers is about inviting believers to a religious event such as a prophetic service or a night vigil, the invitation is personalized through the use of appealing catchphrases. Image 3, for example, includes the following personalized religious invitation: ‘Get ready 2 rewrite your story’. The use of ‘2’ in place of ‘to’ clearly signifies the appropriation of the common code-mixing in social media language commonly used among young people. By personalizing the invitations, a prophetic effect is created as if the prophet whose image is clearly visible in the flyer speaks directly to the believer with a strong emphasis on the benefit a believer will gain by participating in the event. This can be seen in the following appealing catchphrases highlighted in the flyers collected during the study fieldwork:

Image 3. A prophetic ministry flyer with a personalized invitation and emphasis on the second-person reference (Collected by G. Faimau).

‘Arise and shine for your light has come’.

‘Come and receive your healing, deliverance and blessings’.

‘Attend and experience the power of salvation, healing, deliverance and prosperity’.

‘Come and meet your God’.

‘Come and receive power against delay, frustration, setbacks and disappointments’.

‘Taking you to your divine destiny’.

‘Get ready to rewrite your story’.

‘Be conscious of your dream’

While the personalized invitations are clearly meant to influence membership and increase event attendance, the above catchphrases create a unique audience-centric engagement strategy.³² Firstly, the statements are presented in the form of a ‘prophet’s command’. Here, the prophet does not only speak directly to the believer; he demonstrates his divine authority on the one hand and underlines his close relationship with his followers on the other hand. The prophetic ministry flyers, therefore, provide a venue for religious advertisement that banks on a close engagement between the prophet as the brand and the believer as the follower and between the believer and his/her faith. Secondly, most of the personalized invitations emphasize the second person ‘you’ and the possessive determiner ‘your’ in the key messages. The use of these words implies that the person reading the message will identify himself or herself as the person being spoken to, thus inducing a need to respond. This is to say that the prophet’s command requires a decision for action. This further implies that failure to accept the invitation means refusing to accept the prophet’s command.

The audience-centric engagement strategy employed by prophetic ministries in their flyers and stickers seems to have borrowed a page from the secular advertisement and marketing handbook. Taglines and catchphrases are common in the world of advertising. It is often argued that taglines are catchphrases utilized by advertisers and branding strategists as a summary of the product being sold.³³ A tagline is meant to create clarity about a product or is used to dramatize the product. In addition, advertising discourse has commonly used second-person references as a promotional strategy to address the audience directly. The use of ‘you’ allows one to reach the masses because everyone reading the advertisement becomes the ‘you’.³⁴ Among scholars, the use of second-person reference highlights at least three discursive effects. Firtstly, this technique of communicative advertising builds on a participation framework within which the subject (in this case the prophet and his ministry) presents his religious cognitions and intentions towards a believer as the advertising recipient for further action.³⁵ Secondly, the communicative strategy is designed as a strategic motivation that aims at generating a believer’s religious interest in searching, processing religious information and making a decision for an alliance with the prophet. Thirdly, this strategic communication is intended to create an intimate atmosphere that offers a social space within which the intimate relationship between the prophet and a believer takes place and a believer’s religious involvement and attitude are directed.³⁶ Therefore, in addition to an audience-centric engagement, in using second-person reference, the prophetic ministry flyers and stickers facilitate a religious participatory framework that allows intimate communication, leading to information processing and personal decision-making by a believer.

It is also worth noting that religious competition is inevitable when an existing religious market is filled up with a significant mushrooming of religious groups and institutions, including new Pentecostal movements or new prophetic ministries. As suggested by Ukah,³⁷ ‘ … because competition is stiff among Pentecostal churches, they strive to carve a niche that will act as a pull factor to their churches’. Prophet ministries benefit from personalized invitations to a specific audience as the main target. A crafted religious advertising through the use of flyers or stickers is directed towards creating product disparity in order to attract as many people as possible.

Captivating scriptural messages

Another common feature of prophetic ministry flyers and stickers selected for this paper is the captivating scriptural messages. In general, the messages are not just any text but scriptural persuasive texts supported by a biblical verse (see Image 4). Among others, the following biblical verses were printed neatly on the selected prophetic ministry flyers and stickers:

Sit at my right hand, till I make your enemies your footstool. (Psalm 110:1) [printed on a flyer]

If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the goods of the land. (Isaiah 1: 19) [printed on a sticker]

Proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord and the day of vengeance of our God. (Isaiah 61:2) [printed on a flyer]

Where there is no vision, people perish. (Proverbs 29:18) [printed on a sticker]

Get rid of the old yeast as you really are, for Christ our passover lamb has been sacrificed. (1 Corinthians 5:7) [printed on a sticker]

I am restored, living a restored life is our mandate. (Jeremiah 1:10) [printed on a flyer]

Inclusion of a biblical text on religious flyers and stickers can be understood in several ways. Firstly, the inclusion of the scriptural verse is designed to legitimize the advertisement as a religious call. Secondly, by placing a scriptural verse with a personalized message, the promotional flyers and stickers are designed to influence the perception of people or believers about their current state of affair and present the prophetic ministry as a legitimized venue where a believer’s current state can be addressed. For instance, a sticker with the following text ‘I am restored, living a restored life is our mandate’ quoted from Jeremiah 1:10 implies that as a believer pays attention to the sticker, restoration has taken place, hence the proclamation of living a ‘restored life’. In doing so, the audience is conditioned to accept the invitation outlined in the flyer or sticker as a ‘biblical invitation’ that requires personal decision and commitment.

Image 4. A prophetic ministry sticker with a picture of a prophet and his spouse, a scriptural reference and a personalized invitation (Photograph: G. Faimau).

Scholars of religion and religious advertising have noted that drastic changes in the economy or increased moral decay are times when religious institutions step in to reinforce beliefs or establish new ones.³⁸ As such, Cazarin suggests that some words or texts used in religious advertising are meant to create impacting emotional imagery on the audience.³⁹ In this context, the use of a scriptural verse is designed to support discursive themes and reinforce the belief that a higher power beyond the prophet’s authority is in control. This means that although the themes or captivating catchphrases written on the religious flyers and stickers are construed by a prophet and his prophetic ministry, the inclusion of a biblical verse imposes the idea that the higher source, God himself, is the one at work.

Religious flyers and spatial configurations

These ministries follow a particular spatial configuration as they are strategically positioned in places with high movement of people on a daily basis, such as shopping complex, gas stations and villages near the cities. A simple Google search using ‘church’ or ‘ministry’ in Gaborone shows that there are at least 16 prophetic ministries in and around Gaborone city. Among them, the following are some of the most popular prophetic ministries: Be Free Christian Church led by Prophet Keletso Moenda; Gospel of God’s Grace (3G) Ministries led by Prophet Cedric Kobedi; and Healing Faith Ministries in Ramotswa led by Apostle Daniel Ebenezer. BBS mall is one of the oldest and well-known shopping malls in Gaborone city. This mall is currently a host to four prophetic ministries: Christ Embassy, Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, Winner’s Chapel Internationa and Manifest Presence Ministries. The strategic positioning in a marketplace is a new trend in the religious landscape of Botswana. The goal is that as people shop for different commodities, they can also access spiritual goods within the same urban space.

The establishment of prophetic ministries in shopping malls can be attributed to strategic capitalization of the high populace in shopping complexes. In the context of Botswana, shopping malls are built where the population is over 5000 people together with a minimum of 1000 residential plots in a given locality.⁴⁰ The number of people who visit shopping malls frequently supports the profit-making efforts of business establishments situated in such complexes. Religious enterprises, particularly the prophetic ministries, also seek to benefit from this window of opportunity offered by malls to attract followers. This phenomenon could be termed ‘shopping mall Pentecostalism’ as it denotes the presence and participation of charismatic Pentecostal movements in the economic activity of a shopping complex to gain adherents. Theoretically, economic analysis of religion supports the notion that religion is a market on its own that facilitates the supply, purchasing and competition for religious commodities.⁴¹ Similar to business ventures, religious institutions seek to maximize consumer satisfaction. A shopping complex, therefore, becomes the prime environment. In addition to positioning themselves in central marketplaces, they have adopted methods of advertisement associated with business marketing. When shops hand out a catalogue of what people can find in their shops at a particular price, agents from these prophetic ministries also distribute various flyers to inform consumers of where they can find prophecy, healing, deliverance, and prosperity. The religious commodities also extend to the tangible ones like anointing oil, holy water and religious stickers. This finding indicates that prophetic ministries are revolutionizing the religious landscape of Botswana to a commercialized religion through the use of business tenets and marketing strategies.

The presence of prophetic ministries in shopping complexes of urban spaces through flyers can be asserted to various contentions. The most relevant being ecclesiastic marketing/religious marketing defined by Juravle, Sasu and Spataru as service marketing.⁴² This idea refers to the advertisement of a service for consumption, which can result in profit-making or no profit-making. Although Juravle, Sasu and Spataru want to refrain from terming the intentions of religious marketing to include profit-making, this is inevitable as studies, especially in Africa, indicate that ‘the church’ has now become a marketplace.⁴³ In the case of prophetic ministries in Botswana, the use of flyers to advertise religious events and other religious goods substantiates the sale of religious commodities, either tangible or non-tangible.

By becoming market agencies, prophetic ministries have sought out secular means to solidify their presence in urban spaces. The approach is embraced as, for many prophetic ministries, it is crucial for swaying public perception about the image of the church.⁴⁴ The use of stickers, banners, posters and Internet is said to play an important role in preserving and attracting adherents.⁴⁵ ‘Religious organizations have taken on names, logos or personalities, and slogans that allow them to be heard in a cluttered, increasingly competitive marketplace’. Against secularization theory, it is clear that prophetic ministries employ unorthodox and secular methods to attract and reinforce participation in religious activities.

The use of social media and flyers has impacted Pentecostal movements including prophetic ministries. Following the contemporary trends, Pentecostal churches have actively sought and interacted with their (prospective) members through various social media platforms. According to Agarwal and Jones,⁴⁶ social media has emerged as a ‘novel sacral space’ where believers gather to seek fulfilment and acknowledgment of their spiritual demands, including healing, prophecy and spiritual upliftment. In addition, Ayeni⁴⁷ suggests that social media platforms are used to provide spiritual services such as fellowship and virtual dialogues. Consequently, social media platforms serve several purposes, ranging from being a space for ‘online community’ to being transformed as a ‘marketplace’. The proliferation of Pentecostal Charismatic churches on social media platforms has facilitated convenient connectivity for followers and adherents to engage with their church, access a diverse range of religious products and establish connections with other believers. In addition, de Witte⁴⁸ presents a compelling case on the impact of social media by contending that Pentecostal churches use social media as a tactic of antagonism against other churches and religions. This is further exemplified by other scholars with a contention that Pentecostal movements used social media as an antagonism and political tactic to fight corruption.⁴⁹ In general, however, Pentecostal–charismatic churches use innovative and visually appealing communication methods, such as the distribution of flyers, as a means of disseminating information to its members. This practice is also prevalent in the realm of internet marketing. According to reports, the global user base of social media stands at 5.04 billion individuals.⁵⁰ Consequently, a religious flyer has the potential to reach millions of people when disseminated via social media platforms compared to traditional print media. Analysis of religious flyers included in this study shows that most of the flyers display icons of the different social media platforms. Indeed, the presence of prophetic ministries is not only prevalent in urban spaces, but it is highly felt in social media platforms, particularly Facebook, Twitter and YouTube.⁵¹ Facebook search of Prophet Cedric of 3G Ministries in Botswana, for example, indicates that his page categorized as ‘Religious Organization’ has a following of 173,085+ as of 18 September 2021. Prophetic ministries capitalize on publicizing their social media presence on religious flyers and stickers. Inclusion of social media icons on religious flyers and stickers is generally meant to enhance a religious organization’s online network. In doing so, the organizations ensure that current followers are able to read updates about the organization, and potential followers can easily search or look up an organization to find out more about it.⁵² Social media platforms are also used to circulate religious flyers that informs followers of events and guest prophets for a scheduled religious event. What we notice with the use religious flyers with social media icons as advertisements is that generally prophetic ministries employ deliberate efforts to be strategic in terms of advertising themselves through flyers and social media platforms.

The online presence of prophetic ministries presents multiple options to religious consumers. Percy⁵³ asserts that loyalty to one denomination or brand is no longer the case as people, including religious believers, are unwavering when it comes to products. The online presence of prophetic ministries means that one is not confined to only one ministry as they can engage with any other at any given time.

Inclusion of social media icons on a religious flyer or stickers can also be regarded as important pointers. Social media platforms, especially Facebook, Instagram and YouTube of recent, have developed options such as live streaming, which allows one to participate on a religious event online and engage through comments section. The use of social media by prophetic ministries is not only for reaching a diverse population but also for creating what we can term ‘convenient religiosity’. Convenient religiosity simply means that prophetic ministries have accepted and have instead extended their services to a platform that allows followers to participate at a time suitable for them. By including the social media icons, prophetic ministries maintain the traditional attendance of going to church or a religious event on a given time while gradually shifting the focus to a convenient worshipping through social media platforms. The advent of COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the idea of convenient worshipping as many churches including prophetic ministries embrace the digital space as a new norm. In this context, the world’s religious landscape has seen a rise in live-streamed Pentecostal church services across platforms, such as Facebook and YouTube. In their study, Golan and Michele revealed that watching live-streaming is so prevalent to the extent that it is not only confined to private spheres but also extends to public places, such as shops, hospitals and retirement communities, as well as religious venues.⁵⁴ Religion, therefore, has formed a symbiosis with the virtual culture as it continues evolving in the digital spaces. By including social media icons in the flyers and stickers, prophetic ministries do not only direct their followers or potential followers to their social media platforms, but they also make a compelling argument that the church does not only exist as a physical building, but it also exists as an online digital reality. The inclusion of the social media icons, therefore, underlines a message that the prophetic ministries exist physically and virtually.

Conclusion

This article explores the trends of religious marketing of Charismatic–Pentecostal churches with a specific focus on prophetic ministries in Botswana, the characteristics of prophetic ministry flyers and stickers and how the circulation of the flyers and use of stickers as devotional objects influence the burgeoning of prophetic ministries in urban and digital spaces of Botswana. Additionally, it explores how the circulation of prophetic ministry flyers reconstructs religious practices and reinforces public religious imagination. The trends of religious advertising that prevail in the texts of prophetic ministry flyers and stickers can be understood in three layers: the prophet as the human brand of a prophetic ministry, the religious perception of a sticker as a devotional object and finally the circulation of flyers and use of stickers in urban and digital spaces as prophetic positioning and a visibility strategy. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that although prophetic ministry flyers and stickers are imbued with spiritual significance, the textual and social media content contained therein highlights a departure from traditional modes of worship towards a more convenient form of religiosity. This emergent religious culture embraces the use of digital spaces as platforms for worship. We, therefore, recommend further studies focusing on religious advertising and digital religious practices in Africa to highlight the nuances in how religious marketing in Africa is transforming traditional religious practices.

Acknowledgements

TR, GF and WK conceptualized this paper, developed the draft, performed formal analysis, and reviewed and edited the article. GF conceptualized the larger project that informs this paper, developed the methodology and verified the data. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Tshoganetso Dolly Ramooki

Tshoganetso Dolly Ramooki is an independent researcher residing in Botswana. She graduated from the University of Botswana majoring in Sociology and Public Administration.

Gabriel Faimau

Gabriel Faimau is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the Department of Sociology, University of Botswana, and an Extraordinary Researcher in the Unit for Reformational Theology and the Development of the South African Society at North-West University, South Africa.

Wame Maryjoy Kesebonye

Wame Maryjoy Kesebonye is an independent researcher residing in Botswana. She graduated from the University of Botswana majoring in Sociology and Psychology.

Notes

1 Grad, “Religion, Advertising”; Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service”; Percy, “The Church in the Market Place.”

2 Ahdar, “The Idea of Religious Markets”; Iannacone, Finke, and Stark, “Deregulating Religion.”

3 Berger, The Sacred Canopy, 138.

4 Davie, “Prospects for Religion,” 461; Percy, “The Church in the Market Place,” 113–14.

5 Straub, “The Pentecostalization of Global Christianity,” 221–4.

6 Faimau, “The Emergence of Prophetic Ministries”; De Witte, “Pentecostal Forms”; Straub, “The Pentecostalization of Global Christianity”; Ukah, African Christianities, 369–85.

7 Straub, “The Pentecostalization of Global Christianity,” 222.

8 Wariboko, “Pentecostalism in Africa.”

9 Ukah, African Christianities.

10 De Witte, “Pentecostal Forms,” 2.

11 Faimau, “The Emergence of Prophetic Ministries,” 11–14.

12 Ibid.

13 De Witte, “Pentecostal Forms,” 4.

14 Ukah, “Roadside Pentecostalism,” 127.

15 Faimau, “The Emergence of Prophetic Ministries,” 7; Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service”; Ukah, “Roadside Pentecostalism.”

16 Chiluwa, “Religious Vehicle Stickers.”

17 Ibid., 381–4.

18 Grad, “Religion, Advertising.”

19 Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service.”

20 Chiluwa, “Religious Vehicle Stickers,” 379–81.

21 Grad, “Religion, Advertising,” 149.

22 Faimau, “The Emergence of Prophetic Ministries,” 7–8.

23 Cazarin, “African Pastors,” 469–72.

24 Premawardhana, “Expecting the Unexpected”; Ukah, “Road Pentecostalism,” 131–4.

25 Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service.”

26 Ukah, “Roadside Pentecostalism,” 127.

27 Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service.”

28 Musoni, Machingura, and Mamvuto, “Religious Artefacts, Practices.”

29 Morehouse and Saffer, “Promoting the Faith,” 410–12.

30 Meyer, “There Is a Spirit.”

31 Meyer, “Picturing the Invisible.”

32 Morehouse and Saffer, “Promoting the Faith,” 416–17; Tilson and Venkateswaran, “Toward a Covenantal Model,” 116.

33 Ray et al., “Creative Tagline Generation.”

34 Cui and Zhao, “The Use of Second-Person,” 26.

35 Packard, Moore, and McFerran, “(I’m) Happy to Help.”

36 Cruz, Leonhardt, and Pezzuti, “Second Person Pronouns”; Torresi, Translating Promotional and Advertising Texts.

37 Ukah, African Christianities, 15.

38 Lindhardt, “Introduction: Presence and Impact.”

39 Cazarin, “African Pastors,” 472.

40 Bagopi and Daman, The Nature and State of Competition, 6.

41 Yip and Ainsworth, “We Aim to Provide Excellent Service.”

42 Juravle, Sasu, and Spataru, “Religious Marketing,” 336–7.

43 Anderson Jnr, “Commercialisation of Religion.”

44 Anyasor, “Advertising Motivations.”

45 Einstein, Marketing Religion.

46 Agarwal and Jones, “Social Media’s Role,” 1–2.

47 Ayeni, “Branding and Marketing,” 104–6.

48 De Witte, “Pentecostal Forms,” 7–10.

49 de Arruda et al., “The Production of Knowledge,” 208.

50 Statista, “Internet and Social Media Users.”

51 Faimau and Lesitaokana, New Media and the Mediatisation; Faimau and Behrens, “Facebooking Religion.”

52 DesignBro, “Social Media.”

53 Percy, “The Church in the Market Place,” 104–6.

54 Golan and Michele, “Religious Live-Streaming,” 437–8.