The early bird gets the worm: age of entry to STEM-related academic education – gender and SES differences

ABSTRACT

Background

The transition to adulthood in contemporary industrialized society, which once followed a fairly standard pattern, has undergone many changes in terms of timing and order of events. Today’s emerging adults are as likely as not to postpone their entry to college after high school, withdraw temporarily from studies after enrolling, and switch study tracks as well as colleges or universities. While there may be a risk of inappropriate educational choice for those of younger age due to low career maturity, a substantial ‘price’ may also be paid for delayed entry in terms of several labor market indicators.

Purpose

The study examines gender and SES differences in the age of entering an academic education in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) field in Israel.

Sample and methods

This research was conducted through an online survey of a representative sample of 313 STEM students.

Results

The findings show the non-significant effect of SES on the age of entering academic education among young women. In contrast, young men with higher SES were likely to start STEM education earlier compared to their lower SES counterparts.

Conclusions

In the competitive STEM-oriented labor market with its pronounced preference for younger graduates from academic institutions, low SES men who postponed their entry to academic institutions may thus be ‘punished’ for their relatively older age. Therefore, the timing of entering academic education should not be overlooked in social stratification models and theories. Identifying ‘risk groups’ in relation to postponing vs speeding up factors may provide insights for STEM policy makers and practitioners.

KEYWORDS:

• STEM academic education
• age of entering academic institution
• gender and SES differences
• emerging adults

Introduction

The transition to adulthood in contemporary industrialized society, which once followed a fairly standard pattern, has undergone many changes in terms of timing and order of events (Elzinga and Liefbroer 2007). Today’s emerging adults are as likely as not to postpone their entry to college after high school, withdraw temporarily from studies after enrolling, and switch study tracks as well as colleges or universities (Denice 2019; Lissitsa and Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2022). This shift in behavior coincides with the increasing share of graduates in the 25–34 age cohort in OECD countries, which surged from 26% – 43% between 2000 and 2016. Moreover, the age profile of university graduates has risen, with the average age at graduation reaching 26 in 2015, surpassing the typical age associated with immediate enrollment in university after high school graduation and completing studies within the minimum required period (Aina, Casalone, and Raitano 2020).

While there may be a risk of inappropriate educational choice for those of younger age due to low career maturity (Arnett 2007; Cuzzocrea 2019), a substantial ‘price’ may also be paid for delayed entry. First, it significantly decreases the likelihood of completing a bachelor’s degree, as completion rates decline the longer the delay is extended (Aina et al. 2022). Evidence suggests that mature students who enter academic education through alternative pathways, thus extending their academic journey, tend to achieve lower academic scores in their first year and throughout their course compared to peers who come directly from secondary school (Li, Jackson, and Carroll 2023). Second, potential employers who prefer younger graduates may perceive delayed graduation as a negative signal, i.e. an indication of poor organization, low productivity, laziness, etc. (Spence 1973). which may impede access to appropriate employment (Aina and Casalone 2020; Aina and Pastore 2020). Third, their rate of earning growth will be lower, and they are more likely to experience greater job dissatisfaction (Aina and Casalone 2020; Holmlund, Liu, and Nordström Skans 2008). Penalization for late graduation usually starts at about age 25 (Taniguchi 2005) and students who graduate after age 25 require 15 years on average to fully overcome the earning gap (Egerton 2001).

Literature on delayed college entry is scarce, but those studies that have been conducted consistently indicate an older entry age for students from low socio-economic status (hereafter SES), while those from higher SES families are more likely to enroll immediately after high school graduation (Bozick and DeLuca 2005; Goldrick-Rab and Han 2011; Li, Jackson, and Carroll 2023). However, the literature has almost totally overlooked the timing of enrolment for academic education in terms of gender differences as well as the interplay between gender and SES. Moreover, the approach to delayed entry in the literature is general, without distinguishing between different fields of study. The main purpose of this study is to investigate gender and SES differences in the age of entering academic education in the STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) field.

The STEM field with its challenges provides a uniquely appropriate setting for such research. As a rapidly growing field that offers high financial rewards, good job security and flexibility (Freeman, Marginson, and Tytler 2014; Yepes Zuluaga and Granada 2023; Yonezawa, Horta, and Osawa 2016), it should ostensibly attract women and economically disadvantaged emerging adults, i.e. youth from groups generally underrepresented in STEM occupations (Casey et al. 2023; Kanny, Sax, and Riggers-Piehl 2014; Niu 2017). Moreover, members of these groups should be highly motivated to enter STEM educational pathways as soon as possible, in order to enjoy the potential benefits of economic and social mobility they offer. But the issue is much more complicated. STEM fields are especially challenging for low SES students who are generally ‘first generation college students’ (Silva et al. 2023; Terenzini et al. 1996) with limited economic means (Dias Lopes 2017). STEM pathways are perceived as an elite preserve with high threshold requirements, both in terms of admission to academic institutions (e.g. advanced high school science and Math courses), and in terms of standardized college admission test scores (Chachashvili-Bolotin, Lissitsa, and Milner-Bolotin 2019; Tytler et al. 2008). Students who attend less prestigious schools and have little educational support from parents and tutors encounter more difficulty in fulfilling these requirements. Such students are more likely to enroll in preparatory courses, which affords them a second chance but at the cost of postponing their entry to higher education. Once in a STEM track, students may find its studies so rigorous that even part time work, to finance the studies, is difficult. This means that potential students may have to postpone their entry to academia even longer, in order to ensure the economic means to complete their studies.

As for women, traditional gender roles (Bryson 2007) may prompt them to make their choice earlier and enter academic education as soon after high school as possible (Lissitsa, Ben-Zamara, and Chachashvili-Bolotin 2023). But at the same time, the stereotype threat, which reduces their identification with the STEM field (Cadaret et al. 2017; McGuire et al. 2020; Schmader 2023), is reinforced by the mass media (Sáinz et al. 2019). This, combined with evidence of different forms of discrimination against women in the STEM labor market (Thébaud and Charles 2018), may decrease their motivation for a STEM career (Starr 2018) and cause them to hesitate about their career choice (Ertl, Luttenberger, and Paechter 2017). In turn, this may be reflected in delayed entry into STEM academic degree studies.

The study hypotheses address the effect of gender and socio-economic status (SES), along with the interaction between these two variables, on the age of entering academic education in STEM fields. These hypotheses are examined through a survey conducted among a representative sample of 313 STEM students. By expanding our understanding of STEM field entry dynamics, this research provides valuable insights for educational scholars, practitioners, and policymakers, underlining the significance of addressing gender and SES in shaping educational strategies. Providing practical directives may be useful and important in light of stagnating numbers of students entering STEM tertiary education in various European countries (Wilke et al. 2018). Israel is an appropriate venue for such a study as the country, which is a high-tech hub, in which there is a constant demand for an influx of skilled STEM labor.

Literature review

Factors affecting the age of entering academic education in the Israeli context

Despite the many similarities between Israel and Western countries, such as the fact that highly skilled scientific and technical personnel are at the top of the occupational hierarchy, Israel has unique characteristics that may affect the age of entering academic education. First, Israel is the only Westernized nation with mandatory military conscription for both men and women. Once enlisted, men are expected to serve for a minimum of 32 months and women for a minimum of 24 months. As the army often seeks soldiers with more specialized educational and academic backgrounds in fields such as engineering and medicine, the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) created a special program (called the ‘Atuda’) through which high school graduates can defer conscription and attend university prior to their military service. In return, after completing their studies and mandatory army service, Atuda participants serve an additional three years of regular service. Exemption from obligatory military service is usually given to Arabs, ultra-orthodox Jews and religious Jewish women on religious, moral or medical grounds. Religious women may choose to serve for 12 or 24 months in the National service or enter academic education immediately after finishing secondary school. Second, after the army, many young Israelis are likely to embark on a post-military extended backpacking journey or ‘Big Trip’, a rite of passage of sorts for Israel’s emerging adults. This trip usually lasts a few months, with common destinations such as India, the Far East, and South and Central America (Noach-Bonny, Nathan, and Ben Rafael Galanti 2018). In order to finance it, young Israelis, especially those from lower SES, need a temporary job. Third, due to high requirements in STEM academic majors, some candidates need to improve their matriculation grades and for this purpose they have to participate in preparatory programs which may last from a few months to one year (Talmor et al. 2013). This is the case among many emerging adults from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds who studied in less prestigious schools (Talmor et al. 2013). These last two mentioned factors may postpone and potentially cause SES differences in the timing of entering academic education.

SES and age of entry into academic institution

Raymond Boudon (1974), a French sociologist, proposed the idea of primary and secondary effects of social background on educational outcomes as part of his theory of educational stratification. The primary effect refers to the direct influence of social background on educational attainment. Factors such as parental education, socioeconomic status, and cultural capital can directly affect a student’s access to educational resources, such as quality schools, tutors, and educational materials. Students from privileged backgrounds may have more opportunities for educational enrichment and support, leading to higher academic achievement and attainment of educational credentials. The secondary effect pertains to the indirect consequences of social background on educational outcomes, mediated through the educational system itself. Secondary effects can include the impact of social background on a student’s attitudes, aspirations, and expectations regarding education. For example, students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may have lower academic aspirations due to limited exposure to higher education or a lack of confidence in their ability to succeed academically (Guyon and Huillery 2021). Additionally, the structure of the educational system, including tracking and streaming practices, can exacerbate disparities in educational outcomes by reinforcing existing inequalities (Bešić 2020).

We assume that due to STEM’s perceived difficulty, factors explaining STEM choice such as social support, expectation of success, and self-efficacy (Wang 2013) may be of high importance also in explaining background differences in the age of entering academic education. For high-SES parents, the success of their children in terms of social status and accumulating resources is of paramount importance, and thus they will support all their children’s educational endeavors (Archer et al. 2012; Breen and Breen 2004), including switching academic fields in cases of inappropriate choices of an educational major. Active parental economic and psychological support and expectation of children’s success in a demanding STEM field may encourage their children to make their educational decision faster and enter academic education earlier (Milner-Bolotin and Marotto 2018). In contrast, emerging adults from lower SES may postpone their entry to higher education due to major financial barriers because their families may be unable to contribute to tuition costs or may be sensitive to incurring high loan debts (Houle 2014). With fewer family resources, low SES youth are more likely to attend under-resourced high schools (Orfield and Lee 2005; Vadivel et al. 2023) and receive inadequate college counseling (Hosgorur et al. 2023; McDonough 2005). Thus they may be required to undergo preparatory courses and/or repeat admission exams in order to meet the high threshold required of STEM majors. They must also be absolutely sure of their educational choice, as they cannot afford ‘second chances’. Accordingly, we may formulate our H1:

H1.

Students from higher SES will be more likely to enter into STEM academic education at a younger age compared to students from lower SES.

Gender and age of entry into academic education

Gender Theory explores how social constructions of gender influence various aspects of life, including individuals’ perceptions of time, roles within the family, and occupational choices (Hochschild and Machung 1989). It considers how traditional notions of femininity and masculinity shape behaviors, expectations, and opportunities for individuals. Values, norms, and preferences rather than behavioral, economic, and demographic factors can contribute to gender differences in how time is perceived and experienced (Norona, Preddy, and Welsh 2015).

This theory aligns with the idea that gender differences in the timing of entry into STEM academic education may be derived from coevolution between gender differences in the family life course and the competitive and demanding character of the STEM field. Many social theorists have pointed out that time can be gendered (Leccardi and Rampazi 1993), intrinsically linked to dominant conceptualizations of femininity/masculinity and motherhood/fatherhood in modern western societies. In feminist theory, ‘women’s time’ is often conceptualized as embodied, relational, circular and related to reproduction, the family, and personal relationships (Bryson 2007; Nockolds 2016). In contrast, the male world of work and capitalism is characterized by clockwork-like organization, future-directed linear progression, and a ‘time is money’ perspective (Bryson 2007). Accordingly, occupations that are considered ‘male’ in terms of working-time norms are assumed to represent authority, are better paid, and are associated with greater ‘status worthiness’ (Leuze and Strauß 2016; Yu and Kuo 2022). In contrast, occupations dominated by women trying to overcome the difficulties of balancing professional and personal life, involve not only ‘female-typical’ work tasks but also distinct working-time arrangements (part-time employment, telework and crowd work) (Petroff and Fierro 2023)

There are several well-documented gender differences in the family life course in developed societies: on average men marry and enter parenthood later (Allendorf et al. 2017; Lissitsa 2018) and their life course transition changes are less ‘demographically dense’ (Rindfuss 1991), compared to women. Сombining demanding STEM higher education with other social roles may not allow young women to devote their whole attention to their studies (Roksa and Velez 2012), so they may prefer to start at a younger age and graduate before starting a family. The need to assume traditional gender roles as wife and mother, may hasten women’s decision to enter academic education earlier in order join the labor market as soon as possible, and prove themselves professionally before childbearing and maternity leave commence. Accordingly, women may be motivated to start STEM academic education at an earlier age as a strategic move to establish their careers and gain competitive advantages in high-demand fields, thereby securing financial security and mitigating the impact of the ‘child penalty’ in the labor market before any potential career breaks for childcare (Machado et al. 2023). Men, in contrast, may start later, earn more and be promoted faster (Kleven, Landais, and Søgaard 2019; Michelmore and Sassler 2016). Therefore, we may posit the following research hypothesis:

H2.

Women will be more likely to enter into academic STEM education at a younger age compared to men.

We assume that the dilemma of future family vs. career balance is relevant for all women who choose ‘masculine’ and competitive STEM fields, regardless of their SES. Therefore, among women SES differences in the age of entering academic education may be minor. However, traditional gender roles for males expect them to be financially independent and to provide financially for their family (Bryson 2007). Moreover, Trivers and Willard’s, (1973) famous hypothesis, supported by further studies about educational investment, predict a class bias in investment in offspring in contemporary society: higher-status parents invest more in boys, and lower-status parents invest more in girls (Salminen and Lehti 2023). Accordingly, low SES young men with less parental support, who can rely mostly on themselves, will be more likely to postpone entering academic education in order to ensure the economic means to meet the demands of STEM education, compared to high SES men. Thus, we may posit H3:

H3.

The effect of SES will be different for both genders: young men from high SES will be more likely to enter academic institutions at a younger age, compared to young men from low SES, while among young women the SES difference will be less pronounced.

Methodology

Source of Data

Study data relied on an Internet survey conducted by the iPanel company, among Jewish students aged up to 30 years old who were enrolled in STEM fields in academic education during the 2019/20 academic year (N = 313). The iPanel survey company is a member of ESOMAR (a roof organization for survey institutes) and operates according to the strictest criteria of international associations of survey institutes. iPanel operates the largest panel in Israel, comprising more than 100,000 members, and provides access to a variety of populations. The sample data correspond to Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics data regarding students in STEM fields in the 2018/19 academic year. Response rate was about 60%. To ensure the representativeness of the STEM student sample, quotas for age, gender, residential area and fields of study were imposed, in line with the distribution of these variables in the Central Bureau of Statistics student dataset. The questionnaire included about 40 questions concerning years spent before entering academic institutions as well as demographic information.

Table 1 presents definitions of the variables, the specific items and their mean values. As shown in the table, in the final sample, the average age of entering academic education was 23.2, 23.79 for men and 22.19 for women. Of the students, 37.8% were women and 30.5% reported growing up in higher SES families.

Table 1. Definition and description of variables, descriptive statistics.

Variable	Definition	Mean %	(SD)
Dependent variable
Age of entering academic institution (total sample)	Continuous variable in years	23.18	(2.26)
Men		23.79	(2.08)
Women		22.19	(2.20)
Independent variables
Parental SES	1 = higher SES, 0 = lower SES (was calculated using two variables: parental academic degree and economic parental background. Those whose at least one parent held an academic degree and the economic parental background was high, were coded 1, and else 0).	30.5%
Gender	1 = women, 0 = men	37.8%
Control variables
Participation in preparatory program	1 = yes, 0 = no	24.1%
Taking ‘Big trip’	1 = yes, 0 = no	50.5%
Length of Military or National Service	Continuous variable in months	29.46	(16.97)
Religiosity	1 = atheist or secular (comparison group)	55.4%
	2 = traditional	20.3%
	3 = religious or orthodox	24.3%

Results

We first performed univariate descriptive analyses to delineate the initial distribution of entry ages across different gender and SES groups. Table 2 presents the age of entry to academic institutions by four groups (men from low SES, men from high SES, women from low SES, and women from high SES). As shown in Table 2, the highest entry age was found among low-SES men (Mean = 24.02, SD = 2.05), followed by high-SES men (Mean = 23.25, SD = 2.09), high-SES women (Mean = 22.40, SD = 1.68), and low-SES women (Mean = 22.08, SD = 2.41), F (3) = 16.069, p < .001.

Table 2. Age of entering academic institution by gender and SES before (Univariate analysis) and after entering control variables (ANCOVA analysis).

	Men		Women
	Low SES a	High SES b	Low SES c	High SES d	F
Mean	24.02^cd	23.25 ^c	22.08^ab	22.40 ^a	16.069***
(SD)	(2.05)	(2.09)	(2.41)	(1.68)
Adj. Mean	23.54 ^bcd	22.67^a	22.85 ^a	22.89 ^a	7.353***

Note. a,b,c,d Means with different symbols are significantly different from one another (p < 0.05) in the Bonferroni test. Adjusted mean based upon control variables mentioned on Table 1. Adjusted grand mean of age entering = 22.99.

***p < 0.001.

For a better understanding of the differences between groups and the net effects of gender and SES, both ANCOVA comparison analysis and hierarchical linear regression were conducted (Tables 2 and 3). Analysis of Covariance (ANCOVA) was employed to adjust for potential confounders and control variables, thus isolating the net effects of gender and SES on the age of entry into academic STEM education. Hierarchical linear regression models further elucidated the relationships, which was found in the ANCOVA, allowing us to assess the strength and direction of main effects and interactions. The regression analysis was performed in two models. In the first model, independent and control variables were entered. In the second model, the only significant interaction was added: between gender and parental SES.

Table 3. Hierarchical linear regression for age of entering academic institution.

	Model 1			Model 2
	B	SE	Beta	B	SE	Beta
Constant	20.60***	0.27		20.70***	0.27
Gender	−0.39*	0.20	−0.08	−0.67***	0.23	−0.14
Parental SES	−0.49**	0.20	−0.10	−0.86***	0.25	−0.18
Religiosity (compared to ‘atheist or secular’)
Traditional	0.14	0.23	0.03	0.11	0.23	0.02
Religious	0.31	0.22	0.06	0.35	0.22	0.07
Length of Military or National Service	0.08***	0.01	0.61	0.08***	0.01	0.61
Taking Big trip	1.34***	0.27	0.20	1.36***	0.27	0.20
Preparatory program	0.92***	0.21	0.17	0.88***	0.21	0.17
Interaction: Parental SES*Gender				0.92*	0.39	0.13
R^2	0.54			0.55

Note. ***p < 0.001; **p < 0.01; *p < 0.05.

ANCOVA analysis

Based on the ANCOVA analysis (Table 2), the highest adjusted mean of age of entering academic education was found among low SES men (Adj. Mean = 23.54), followed by high and low-SES women (Adj.Mean = 22.89 and 22.85, respectively) and high-SES men (Adj.Mean = 22.67), F (3) = 7.353, p < .001). As shown, the differences in age of entering academic education were significant only between low SES men and the other three groups. In other words, there are two main findings. First, gender differences in age of entering academic education were found significant only among low SES group: women from low SES were more likely to enter academic STEM education at a younger age, compared to men from low SES (Mean Difference = −0.688, SE = 0.196, 95% CI [−1.209 – −0.167], p = 0.003). Second, the SES difference in age of entering academic education was significant only among men. Men from high SES were more likely to enter academic STEM education at a younger age compared to men from low SES (Mean Difference = −0.871, SE = 0.224, 95% CI [−1.465 – −0.278], p = 0.001). Therefore, H1, claiming that students from higher SES will be more likely to enter into STEM academic education at a younger age compared to students from lower SES was partially supported by the findings (only among men). In addition, H2, claiming that women will be more likely to enter academic STEM education at a younger age compared to men was also partially supported (only among lower SES). In contrast, H3 positing that young men from high SES will be more likely to enter academic institutions at a younger age, compared to young men from low SES, while the SES difference will be less pronounced among young women, was fully supported by the findings. Figure 1 displays this interaction effect between gender and parental SES.

Figure 1. Plot of marginal means of age entering academic institution by gender and parental SES.

A line graph displaying the marginal means of age at which individuals enter academic institutions, categorized by gender and parental socio-economic status (SES). The graph illustrates distinct lines for each gender across various SES levels, indicating trends and disparities in age of academic entry.

Hierarchical linear regression

Findings of the regression analysis are presented in Table 3 and replicate the ANCOVA results. As can be seen from Model 1, the main effects of gender (Beta = −0.08, p = 0.05) and SES (Beta = −0.10, p = 0.02) were significant and negative, but very weak. Women were more likely to enter academic institutions earlier compared to men, and youth from low SES were more likely to postpone their STEM academic education, compared to high SES peers. However, adding the interaction between gender and parental SES revealed a more complicated picture (Model 2). First, the interaction effect was significant and positive (Beta = 0.13, p < 0.001). Second, the main effects of gender and SES were strengthened (Beta =-0.14, p < 0.001; Beta = −0.18, p < 0.001, respectively). Thus, as was shown earlier in the ANCOVA analysis and displayed in Figure 1, gender differences in age of entry were eliminated (0.13(Beta_int) − 0.14(Beta_gender) = −0.01) among youth from high SES, as well as the effect of SES among women (0.13(Beta_int) − 0.18(Beta_SES) = −0.04). This analysis fully supports our findings based on the ANCOVA. In addition, we found that the effects of length of military or national service, taking a Big Trip and participating in pre-academic preparatory programs were significantly positively associated with age of entering academic education. In contrast, the effect of religiosity was found to be non-significant.

Discussion

This research focused on gender and SES differences in age of entering STEM academic education among Israeli Jewish emerging adults. We found that high SES men enter STEM academic education earlier compared to low SES men, while among women these differences were non-significant. Moreover, among women both from low and high SES, age of entering academic education was similar to those of high SES men. All of these three mentioned groups started their academic education significantly earlier than men from low SES.

A timing similarity in the age of entering STEM academic education among women across different SES backgrounds suggests that the influence of socio-economic status is less pronounced in determining educational timing for women. This observation aligns with Boudon’s (1974) model, which differentiates between primary and secondary effects of social background on educational outcomes. It appears that for women, the secondary effects, which encompass societal expectations and individual aspirations, play a crucial role in educational timing, overshadowing the primary effects of direct resource availability (primary effects). This suggests that irrespective of their socio-economic background, women’s decisions regarding when to enter STEM fields are more heavily influenced by societal norms pertaining to gender and their personal educational and career aspirations (Churchill, Ruppanner, and Kornrich 2023). Drawing from gender theories, we understand this trend as a reflection of the deep-rooted gender-role socialization that begins early in life, nudging women towards making educational and career decisions that accommodate traditional life milestones, such as marriage and family planning. This adherence to societal timelines suggests a broader cultural impact on women’s choices, with the ‘female life cycle’ concept playing a pivotal role (Aarntzen et al. 2023). Women’s educational timings, particularly in entering fields like STEM, seem to be orchestrated not just by individual ambition or socio-economic advantage, but by a societal script that outlines when and how their professional paths should intersect with personal life events. This observation underscores the profound influence of societal expectations on the educational trajectories of women across all SES levels, highlighting the need for further exploration into how these norms shape opportunities and decisions in STEM education.

In contrast, as was mentioned earlier, among young men SES matters. The male students from higher SES are more likely to enter academic education earlier. One of the possible explanations for young men from low SES entering STEM education later than their counterparts from high SES is that they need to base themselves economically before starting a demanding educational field. Indeed, they must pay tuition, subsidize their livelihood with few opportunities for combining student jobs with demanding learning, and may rely less on economic support from their parents. The alternative explanation stems from Boudon’s (1974) theory. Higher SES parents in general have a better comprehension of the academic educational system and labor market (Lissitsa and Chachashvili-Bolotin 2021). They may also have a more detailed understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of their child, expect a probability of success, and so better foresee their occupational future (Lareau and Cox 2011). As such, they can more readily serve as an occupational role model (Sjaastad 2012). Accordingly, for children in these families the educational choice may be easier or even obvious and they are able to make it earlier. However, emerging adults from low SES, who are more likely to grow up in a disadvantaged neighborhood with weaker schools and out-of-school activities, as ‘first generation academic students’ may feel confused and disorientated without guidance and advice from the close environment. They are disadvantaged by less social networking, lack of parental help, and lower access to class-related cultural capital. They thus need more time in order to collect relevant information, reach vocational maturity, make an appropriate educational choice and enter an academic institution. Moreover, these emerging adults may feel more pressure due to the fact that their disadvantaged economic situation does not allow ‘second chances’. As a result, they may tend to postpone their educational choice, which has to be a final one and enter academic study at a later age.

As later entry onto an undergraduate STEM track may result in delayed labor market arrival, it may be asked: Is it possible to identify positive aspects in the ‘time taking’ of lower SES young men? Or does it simply disadvantage them compared to their higher SES counterparts and job market competitors? On the one hand, at an older age their educational decision may be more informed. Thus, they embark on their STEM studies with greater maturity and motivation, better able to plan their professional futures (Arnett 2007). On the other hand, they may be ‘punished’ for their older age in a competitive youth-oriented STEM labor market (Herman 2015). Consequently, although a prestigious STEM education may definitely serve as a channel for mobility for lower SES students, existing socio-economic gaps may end up diminished but do not disappear. Therefore, the timing of entering academic education should not be overlooked in social stratification models and theories.

Our study specifically examines gender and SES differences in the age of entering academic education in STEM fields within the Israeli context. Israel’s unique social and cultural landscape, including mandatory military service for both men and women and the significant post-military ‘Big Trip’ tradition, provides a distinctive backdrop for our analysis. These factors, inherent to the Israeli experience, may not be present in other Western countries, thus potentially influencing the timing of academic engagement in STEM fields in ways that are specific to Israel. However, our findings also offer insights into broader patterns of educational engagement that may resonate beyond the Israeli context. The relevance of our findings to Western countries, despite the unique context of Israel, can be understood through the lens of broader shifts in the transition to adulthood and educational patterns observed globally. In Western countries, similar to Israel, gender roles have traditionally pushed women to prioritize early entry into higher education to align with expected life milestones, such as family formation (Petroff and Fierro 2023). High SES backgrounds tend to provide both men and women with resources and cultural capital that facilitate early entry into academia, albeit the motivations and pressures may differ by gender. This interaction between gender and SES in determining educational timing reflects global trends of ‘slowing down’, delayed adulthood and extended education (Arnett 2023), suggesting that our study’s insights into the interplay of these factors are not only pertinent to the Israeli context but also resonate with patterns in other Western countries. The increasing prevalence of delayed graduation (Aina, Casalone, and Raitano 2020) and the shifting transition to adulthood (Denice 2019) underscore the importance of examining these dynamics within the framework of gender and social class, offering valuable implications for understanding educational inequalities and formulating policies that address these challenges across diverse cultural settings.

Limitations and future directions

This study has certain limitations. Its primary limitation is that variables were all self-reported by the respondents. We found that low SES men are more prone to postpone their STEM education and speculated as to some possible explanations. However, the quantitative research design does not allow us to fully understand this phenomenon. For this purpose, we suggest conducting in-depth interviews with this group. The qualitative study may be used for validating of the proposed explanations by the students’ perceptions of the reasons for hastening or postponing entry into STEM academic education. Due to the limitations of the Internet panel, our sample did not include Arab student respondents. Future work should focus on this population and compare Jewish and Arab STEM students. In addition, it would be interesting to examine the differences in age of entering academic education between STEM and non-STEM fields.

Study implications

Our findings provide important insights for educational stratification theory. We assume that age of entering academic education may be the source of creating and reproducing inequality. This source of inequality, which according to our findings was most relevant for low SES young men, appears first in the academic education market, because those who enter it later are less likely to graduate (Aina et al. 2022). Those who do graduate may experience employability problems and be less rewarded in terms of wages and promotions. In this way a new circle of inequality develops, differentiating low SES young men from their higher SES peers, which may be reproduced in the following generation, albeit at a higher SES level.

Our findings also provide insights for STEM policy makers and practitioners, which are relevant not only for Israel, but for other Western countries as well. Identifying ‘risk groups’ in relation to postponing vs speeding up factors in terms of entering an undergraduate STEM track may result in more precise and rigorous evaluation of STEM labor market dynamics. In order to realize the potential for the socio-economic mobility of low SES young men we recommend creating a network of different support options during their studies. These may include scholarships and grants, priority in student accommodations, possibilities for distance study, work-study programs, and student mentoring. Israeli policy makers should encourage early entry into STEM academic education especially among low SES young men by creating awareness of and facilitating conditions for their participation in the IDF Atuda programs. STEM professional experience during IDF service may smooth their entry into the labor market after demobilization and raise their starting point in terms of employability, wages and promotion.

Ethics statement

Our study met the ethics/human subject requirements of our institutions at the time the data were collected. Ethical standards were met in the following ways: The study purposes, confidentiality and right to withdraw were explained to the participants in the beginning of questionnaire. Each participant gave his/her informed consent to participate in the survey. Full anonymity was preserved.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).